A Shroud of Ochre

A Shroud of Ochre:

A Study of Pre-Contact Mortuary Ochre Use in North America

List of Figures and Tables ii

1. INTRODUCTION 1

2. OCHRE USE IN PREHISTORY 4

3. MOOREHEAD BURIAL TRADITION: A CASE STUDY 19

4. PATTERNS IN MORTUARY OCHRE USE 36

5. CONCLUSION 60 Bibliography 62 Appendix 76

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List of Figures 3.1 Regional Distribution of MBT Sites 21 3.2 Gouges from Turner Farm 26 3.3 Various Celts from the Port au Choix Site 27 3.4 Various Bayonets from Maine Sites 28 3.5 Ramah Chert Points 29 4.1 Spatial Distribution of the Study Groups 49 4.2 Temporal Distribution of the Study Groups 50

List of Tables

3.1 Classification of Stone Implements by Moorehead 25 4.1 Characteristics of Complexity in the Study Groups 54 4.2 Forms of Ochre Use in Mortuary Contexts 57

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prehistoric North American groups who practiced the custom of mortuary ochre use. Using the people of the Moorehead Burial Tradition as the basis for comparison, this study examines nine additional groups using an eight-trait criterion for determining levels of complexity among hunter-gatherers. The primary goal for this research is to examine the cultural traits to ascertain whether the custom of mortuary ochre use was more common among simple or complex hunter-gatherer societies. The study also examines possible patterns in spatial and temporal distribution, mortuary ochre morphology, and cultural trait similitude.

The focus of the study is pre-contact mortuary ochre use in North America, with North America being defined to include Alaska, Canada, the continental United States, and Mexico. The criteria used are those traits commonly associated with complexity among hunter-gatherers which can be inferred from the archaeological record. The groups chosen were those practicing mortuary ochre usage and whose presence is adequately visible through material remains.

This first chapter seeks to introduce the topic of the study. It discusses the purpose and objectives behind the research into pre-contact mortuary ochre use in North America. The chapter concludes with a summary of the chapters.

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Chapter Two begins with an examination of the characteristics of ochre. This is followed by an overview of ochre in the archaeological record worldwide, including a look at its contextual uses. Finally, the theories regarding ochre’s symbolism to early man are examined and the possible significance of ochre in the archaeological record is discussed.

Chapter Three provides an in-depth look at those people who practiced the Moorehead Burial Tradition. This group, originally termed the “Red Paint People,” first brought the custom of prehistoric mortuary ochre use into the public’s eye. This chapter looks at the burial practices, subsistence economy, technology, trade network, and social organization of this culture. This examination serves as the basis for the comparisons in the following chapter.

Chapter Four investigates pre-contact mortuary ochre usage in North America. It provides an overview of the cultures in the group study and analyses the temporal and spatial distributions of the groups. The chapter outlines the criterion used for determining levels of complexity among the hunting-gathering groups and draws conclusions based on the comparison of these cultural traits. An assessment of the morphological uses of ochre in mortuary contexts among these groups is also made. The chapter concludes with a consideration of the commonalities in cultural characteristics within the study groups. Chapter Five concludes the report by providing a brief summary of the study. It also proposes areas of research that would further broaden understanding in the prehistoric ochre use in mortuary contexts.

This paper contains data from a sampling of groups whose cultural characteristics are interpreted almost wholly on material remains and ethnographic analogies. Such

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information should be evaluated in that context and the relevance of the data

acknowledged with some caution.

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Introduction

Though the focus of this paper deals with North American ochre use in mortuary contexts, this chapter looks at ochre’s multifarious contexts from a worldwide perspective in order to present a broader understanding of the importance of ochre to aboriginal groups in the New World. Ochre apparently captivated the imagination of numerous prehistoric groups throughout the world. Its prevalence and endurance in the archaeological record indicates an “aboriginal preoccupation” with the pigment (Stafford et al, 2003: 88). This attraction to ochre, as Wreschner (1980:633) describes it, is “like a red thread” that is woven through the millennia of human history.

Characteristics of Ochre

Possibly the greatest drawback in the study of prehistoric ochre use deals with determining the definition of “ochre” as it is used in the archaeological record. Hausler (1980:636) notes that the term “ochre” is often used in the most general term to designate a red or reddish colorant. Since red pigment can be obtained by processing haematite, limonite, and ferruginized sandstones, “ochre” may be such a generic term as to be misleading (Butzer, 1980:635). Since chemical analysis is rarely performed on pigments

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found at archaeological sites, it is impossible to determine the exact composition of all the pigments designated as “ochre” in the archaeological record. Additionally, red colorants, including ochre, have been variously termed as “pigments,” “paints,” “iron oxide” and “haematite” in excavation reports and journals (Beck, 1995; Koerper and Mason, 1998; Wallace, 1947; Willoughby, 1915). Despite appeals for greater specification in the recording of archaeological finds of pigments (Butzer, 1980; Delaporte, 1980; Wreschner, 1980), there continues to be a certain amount of ambiguity regarding the use of the term “ochre” in archaeological contexts. Ehrlich (1996: 691), in his book, Geomicrobiology, defines ochre as an iron oxide ore (FeOOH). Red ochre is one variety of a large family of iron-based mineral pigments. These natural pigments derive from four basic types of iron ores- haematite, limonite, siderite, and magnetite. The colour classification of ochre depends on the specific composition. Usually, the higher the concentration of iron, the redder the deposit will be. Haematite (Fe 2 O 3 ) has a chemical composition of iron and oxygen and ranges in colour from a very light pink to a very dark red and ranges in hardness between 5.5 and 6.5 on Mohs’ scale (Stafford et al, 2003: 81). ). Red ochre is composed of 69.9% iron and 29.9% oxygen with trace amounts of other elements (Tankersley et al, 1995: 186). Of the four types of iron ore, haematite is the most frequently found in geological and soil formations (Erlandson et al, 1999: 517). Deposits of haematite can be formed from a variety of processes, including sedimentation and metamorphism. It is found nearly universally throughout the rock strata and is common in Europe, Australia, the Middle East, and North America (Stafford et al, 2003: 82).

Ochre can be easily obtained by digging into an exposed deposit. It can then be crushed or scraped to produce a powder. The powdered ochre was often combined with

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a liquid base such as animal fat to form a semi-permanent pigment. Ochre pigment is unmatched in its ability to penetrate porous sandstone and to bond with a stabilizing base where it becomes almost indestructible (Bednarik, 1994: 73). Its durability enables it to be well preserved in the archaeological record - not surprising since artefacts from the mineral world often comprise the majority of remains from prehistoric sites (Charles et al, 2004: 43)- and enabled it to be an effective colorant even into historic times as barn paint (Stafford et al, 2003: 83).

Worldwide use of ochre in prehistory

Tracing the history of ochre use by human populations continues to be a challenge to archaeologists and its significance a topic of debate. Wreschner (1980: 631) cites Leakey’s (1958) recovery of ochre at an early hominid occupation site as the “earliest recorded appearance of ochre in the archaeological record.” Later study questioned whether the 500,000 year-old artefact was actually ochre or reddened volcanic tuff (Oakley 1981, cited by Chase 2006: 156). This argument aside, it is apparent that ochre was associated with human industries as far back as the time of homo erectus, about 300,000 B.P., long before its metallurgic properties were discovered (Schmandt-Besserat 1980:143).

In Africa, ochre has been clearly associated with at least two archaeological sites dating to about 230,000 years ago (Chase, 2006: 156). Though no evidence clearly proves that the ochre from these early sites were used in a culturally significant way, two pieces of ochre from the Middle Stone Age levels of Blombos Cave in South Africa do provide evidence of what Chase (2006:149) terms as “elaborated culture” in association with the artefacts. The substantiation to this claim comes from a detailed analysis

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(Henshilwood et al, 2002:1279) of the preparation, engraving, technique, and design displayed by the markings on both pieces of ochre which represent intentional, complex, geometric motifs. Additional support to this assumption comes from excavations at the Middle Stone Age Klasies River Mouth site (Singer and Wymer, 1982: 117), where ochre bearing clear signs of use was found. These proofs give strong evidence that ochre was being used in cultural contexts in Africa by at least 77,000 B.P. In Europe, the use of ochre can be traced back further than the period of cave art (Sagona, 1994:36). There are reports of ochre recovered from Late Acheulian sites at Ambrona, Terra Amata, and Be+ov which date between 400,000 and 230,000 B.P. (Erlandson et al, 1999:518) and indications of ochre use from a site in Maastricht-Belv-d3re in the Netherlands (Chase, 2006:156). Marshack (1981: 189) refers to ochre discoveries at Achenheim, France (dating to about 300,000 B.P.) and at Be+ov in the Czech Republic (dating to about 250,000 B.P.) which give evidence of an ochre technology in the Acheulian.

The presence of ochre in Middle Palaeolithic sites in Europe is generally more documented. Ochre has been found in French Mousterian contexts at Pech de l’ Aze, Arcy-sru-Cure, and at La Grotte du Renne. Ochre was also found on Neanderthal skeletons at Le Moustier and La Chapelle-aux-Saints (Scarre 2002:229). However, the ritual use of ochre in Neanderthal burials remains a disputed hypothesis. Nonetheless, with the appearance of Homo sapiens sapiens in Europe, there appears to be a significant temporal and spatial expansion of ochre customs (Wreschner 1980: 632). At least 27 Upper Palaeolithic burials with ochre have been recorded (Schmandt-Besserat 1980: 131) and over a hundred sites containing ochre have been excavated in Western, Central, and Eastern Europe (Knight 1991: 440). The Upper Palaeolithic also marks a time of increase

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in the number of caches of ochre, mortars and grinders for ochre preparation, and accumulations of ochre-processing debris in occupation areas (Schmandt -Besserat 1980: 144). These indications that ochre played an important role in Upper Palaeolithic society may also point to a trend toward the use of ochre more commonly in association with art, especially with polychrome paintings, which seems to have reached a climax with the caves at Lascaux and Altamira during the Magdalenian period. However, the regional use of ochre in mortuary contexts continued into the Mesolithic (Grünberg 1994) and has been found in sites throughout Europe, such as Dragsholm, Denmark; Skateholm, Sweden; and Teviec, France (Jones and MacGregor 2002: 8). The archaeological record indicates that the early use of ochre in the Levantine was comparatively less than that of its European Palaeolithic counterparts (Wreschner, 1980: 632), but excavations at Qafzeh Cave uncovered large amounts of ochre in levels dated by thermoluminescence to about 92,000 B.P. (Pearson, 1999:149). An extensive inductive study of the site by researchers led to the conclusion that the ochre was possibly used symbolically in mortuary ritual at this site, however, no other Middle Palaeolithic sites indicate systematic use of ochre and only a few occurrences are recorded for the Upper Palaeolithic Levant (Hovers et al, 2003: 510). As Mellars (1988: 187) points out, archaeology in Asia “remains poorly documented, poorly dated, and…rather poorly described.” However, recent excavations have revealed that ochre use was extensive in Asia as well. Haematite was found in burial mounds in Kazakhstan and the Ural Mountains, indicating that it was used in mortuary rituals beginning about 2600 years ago and continuing for nearly four hundred years (Tairov and Bushmakin 2000:186 - 187). There are records of Upper Palaeolithic burials with ochre discovered at Mal’ ta, Siberia and at Sungir’ in eastern Russia (Shimkin 1978:

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232) as well as ochre-covered skeletons at Zhoukoudian, near Beijing (Lee and Naicheng 2002: 715). In southeast Asia, the Khok Phanom Di site in Thailand, dated about 4000 B.P., contained burials that were sprinkled with red ochre (Higham et al 1992: 39). Australian aborigines may have been using ochre in mortuary practices as early as 30,000 B.P. At Lake Mungo in New South Wales, a male skeleton (Mungo III) was found in a shallow grave and stained red with ochre (Mellars 1988:187). Though this is the only known Pleistocene burial to use ochre, the use of ochre at Lake Mungo is believed to go back even further (Sagona 1994: 33-34). Palaeolithic burials containing ochre are more common in Australia, such as the burials at the Kow Swamp site. Dated between 15,000 and 9000 years ago, these burials in northern Victoria contained ochre as well as other grave goods (Stone and Cupper 2003:101). The large-scale procurement of ochre in prehistoric Australia is evidenced at Wilgie Mia, an ochre quarry in western Australia. This site, according to Sagona and Webb (1994: 135), is “one of the most remarkable accomplishments of mining on a large scale using simple technology anywhere in the world.” According to Ta+on (2004: 34), these aborigines regarded ochre as especially sacred and often imported it over long distances throughout the period of human occupation in Australia.

In South America, ochre is found in occupation sites as early as 12,000 B.P. in Brazil (Gruhn and Bryan 1991: 344). At the Fazenda Botafogo site on the Brazilian coast near Rio de Janeiro, excavations revealed approximately fifty burials covered with a thin layer of ochre which date back about 6000 years (Weber 1976: 229). More common to the continent, though much harder to date, is the use of ochre as a pigment in rock paintings such as the Cueva de las Manos site in Argentina (Gardner 1924: 142) and the rock paintings of Taltal, Chile (Evans 1906: 22). Further north, in the area commonly

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referred to as Mesoamerica, burials associated with the Maya culture, such as those at UaxactMn, Guatemala (Marcus 1978: 185) and at Pacbitun, Belize (Healey 1988: 255), have sometimes included ochre. Parnell (et al 2002: 334) points out that ochre was often used as a pigment for decorative paint or as a dye for ritual purposes in caches and burials in prehistoric Mesoamerica.

Prehistoric ochre use in North America

Like the early inhabitants of Australia, the first humans to arrive in North America appear to have embraced the practice of ochre use, a custom which quickly spread throughout the continent. Burials containing ochre are found in nearly every U.S. state, in most of Canada, and in northern Mexico. They reach back from the earliest indications of human occupation in the New World and continue regionally into historic times. Ochre was included at such early burials as those at the Anzick site in Montana (Lepper 2001:2) and the Gordon Creek site in Colorado (Swedlund and Anderson 1999:570). Though debate still continues regarding some of the ages of the skeletal remains, the consensus is that these burials are around ten thousand years old and are among some of the earliest skeletons recovered in North America. The first clear evidence of ochre use in elaborate mortuary ritual is seen at the L’Anse Amour site in Labrador, Canada. This burial mound on the coast of Labrador contained a single individual and is dated to about 8000 B.P. (Renouf, 1984: 24). The use of ochre in mortuary contexts continued, though with varying frequency, well into historic times. Ochre’s use in non-mortuary contexts also date back to the Paleo-Indian period in North America. It is a prominent feature at Clovis sites, normally occurring in the context of caches of finished artefacts and these being predominantly found on or near

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the American Plains (Roper 1991: 292). At these types of sites, ochre generally occurs as coating on artefacts such as was found at the Fenn cache in Wyoming and the Simon site cache in Idaho (Roper 1996: 41). Ochre is also a fairly common characteristic of Paleo-Indian habitation sites, including campsites. Its context at the Agate Basin, Cattle Guard, and Lindenmeier sites suggests that the preparation of ochre was a domestic activity (Roper 1987: 83).

The use of ochre as a medium for art is not as common in the New World as it is in Europe, but there are numerous examples of its use in this capacity. Roper (1996: 41) points out that after the Palaeolithic period, Plains Indian complexes living in areas occupied by speakers of Keresiouan languages (such as Siouan and Caddoan) were more likely to use ochre as a medium for stylistic expression than in a ritual context. The use of ochre in rock paintings has been documented at sites in Missouri (Simek and Cressler 2001:237), Texas (Turpin 1990: 266), and California (True 1954:70). It was also a common pigment in the production of pottery (Hill 1942: 532). Ochre is also found occasionally in contexts related to animal remains. The Cooper site is a rare Folsom kill site in which ochre has been found (Roper 1987: 83). The interment of dogs in association with ochre, with or near human burials, has also been found (Tuck 1976: 16). In two separate sites in California, ochre was present in the ritual burials of a coyote (Heizer and Fenenga 1939: 389) and two horses and a burro (Ireland 2005).

Ochre Mining in Prehistory

The procurement of ochre worldwide by early prehistoric groups is also richly evidenced in the archaeological record. At least 1200 metric tons of haematite are

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believed to have been mined from a cliff at Lion Cavern in Swaziland during prehistoric times (Chase 2006:157). Quarry deposits dating to over 43,000 B.P. make this one of the oldest mines in the world (Erlandson et al, 1999:618). In North America, the vast spatial extent of ochre mining is indisputably supported by archaeological and ethnographic data (Erlandson et al 1999: 518). Wallace (1947: 272) notes that, as of 1947, more than a dozen prehistorically worked haematite deposits had already been identified in the state of California alone. The Powers II site in Wyoming is possibly the earliest North American Palaeolithic quarry, dating back some 11,000 years (Stafford et al, 2003: 71).

Contextual Uses Worldwide

While the exact context of ochre use at some of the earliest sites may be disputed, there is no question that by Europe’s Upper Palaeolithic, ochre was at least being used as a pigment (Chase 2006: 157). It is also evident that as ochre usage increased in frequency its contextual uses became more diverse and complex. Though it continued throughout prehistory to be used as a predominant pigment for rock paintings and pottery decorations, it is probable that it was also used as a pigment for perishable materials such as bark, wood, basketry, and vegetal fibres (Schmandt-Besserat 1980: 144) and for body painting- which continued among many groups well into the historic period (Wallace 1947: 273). At the time of European contact, body-painting was so predominant among aboriginal groups in the Americas that is has been proposed (Knight 1991:418; Sauer 1966: 56) as the reason why natives of the New World came to be called “Red Indians.” Ochre is believed to have been used frequently for staining human and animal bones, in mortuary and non-mortuary contexts, though some scholars believe that many of these associations may be spurious (Butzer 1980:635). Nevertheless, it is significant

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that seven of Europe’s sixteen Mesolithic sites which included ochre are burials of ochrestained skulls (Wreschner 1980: 632). The staining of human bones for secondary burials was a common practice among Australian Aborigines (Ta+on 2004: 37) and Palaeoindian sites in North America frequently contain ochre-stained human bones and/or animal bones (Tankersley et al 1995: 185).

Ochre is believed to have had functional purposes as well. It has been suggested, based on ochre markings on stone blocks, that it was used as a tool in the building process of the Great Pyramid in Egypt (Stocks 2003: 574). There is also evidence that ochre was incorporated into the boat-making technology at Eel Point on San Clemente Island in California nearly 8000 years ago (Cassidy et al 2004:121). In Jordan, a Neolithic bead-making site bears evidence that ochre was used to colour the stone beads produced there (Wright and Garrand 2003: 271).

More ephemeral contexts have been suggested for ochre which are not as apparent in the archaeological record. Velo (1984: 674) and Erlandson et al (1999:517) suggest the possible use of ochre as a medicine. Wadley (2005: 587-601) used replication studies to show that ochre was probably used as part of an adhesive for hafting tools. It is believed that ochre was used cosmetically in ancient Egypt and Russia (Tairov and Bushmakin 2002: 185, 189). Additional uses that have been suggested include ochre’s use as a polish (Chandler 2001:6), a preservative (Erlandson et al 1999: 517), and for tanning (Schmandt-Besserat 1980:144).

Ochre’s Symbolism

The inclusion of ochre in archaeological features is believed to go beyond possible utilitarian purposes since, as Chase (2006: 127) points out, nearly all objects in

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complex cultures will have both a utilitarian function and a symbolic meaning. In archaeology it is customary to classify artefacts by their function, a process that may overlook the symbolic significance and limit the scope of the interpretation. Robb (1998:341) cautions that symbolism that crosses boundaries between functional and cultural may be a key to understanding how objects were understood and used. In the case of ochre, Marshack (1981: 190) believes that the symbolic uses of ochre occurred early in modern man’s development, became widespread, and manifested in a range of symbolic contexts. Though the entire spectrum of symbolic contexts of ochre may not be positively determined without an understanding of its “syntagmatic neighbours” (Jacobson-Widding 1980:637), some associations may be hypothesized from historic and ethnographic records.

Man’s early and prolonged interest in ochre has prompted numerous studies on symbolism and the colour “red” (Pickford 1972, Weitman 1973). This research has indicated a cultural preference for red that goes beyond an individual preference for that colour (Wreschner 1980: 631). The global aspect of this cultural preference prompted the idea that it may be the result of biological evolutionary processes (Berlin and Kay 1969, Bolton 1980, Wreschner 1980). Whatever its origins, it appears evident that ochre was collected for its symbolic, as well as functional purposes, and that its symbolism was closely tied to its colour.

One possible explanation for ochre’s attraction is its colour association with blood. Boivin (2004:16) believes that ochre was commonly associated with blood because of its colour and the fact that, when mixed with water, it strongly resembles spilled blood. This possible correlation between ochre and blood is reinforced by linguistic associations. Wreschner (1980:633) points out the relationship between the

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name of the mineral, haematite, and the Greek word for blood, haema. This connection is further strengthened by the dual definition of the Greek word, miltos, which literally meant “red ochre,” but was also a magical word for blood (Alinei 1981:444). In the same way, Alinei draws on the Latin word for red ochre, rubrica, which by medieval times had come to mean “to make red with blood,” to stress the strong linguistic correlation between ochre and blood.

A symbolic link between ochre and blood would infer a ritualistic element into ochre’s use since many early beliefs associate blood with creation, life, and death (Stafford et al 2003:85). Ochre’s frequent inclusion in mortuary contexts implies a probable symbolic connection with death. Bolton (1980:634) argues that, due to its connotation of power, red is the most appropriate colour to use in symbolizing defiance of death. Though Marschak (1981: 189) warns against making associations regarding ochre’s symbolism among prehistoric groups, numerous ethnographic studies, such as those mentioned by Robinson (2204: 96) and Stafford (et al 2003: 88), show that aboriginal groups frequently associated ochre with death.

In view of the ochre’s possible associations, it is reasonable to theorize that some prehistoric groups attributed ochre with supernatural abilities. Bolton (1980:634) postulates that part of the “magic” of ochre may have derived from its transformation when heated. When roasted, red ochre’s colour intensifies and yellow ochre turns to red (Schmandt-Besserat 1980:129). Whatever the source of the belief, Stafford (et al 2003:85-86) points to numerous cases from the Human Relations Area Files (HRAF), a database of ethnographic information, which indicate that the cultural choice of ochre as a colouring agent is frequently based on worldviews regarding the supernatural and that its ritual use indicates a “complex and dynamic system of cultural beliefs.” Brown

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(1997:473) agrees with the idea of ochre’s spiritual symbolism and speculates that its use in mortuary contexts may have been a shamanic practice.

The Significance of Ochre in the Archaeological Record

The value of ochre to prehistoric aboriginal groups is sufficient reason to consider it an important aspect in the study of the archaeological record. However, it is the implications behind the use of ochre among early humans which make it such a compelling topic of study. The use of symbolism is widely considered to be a component of cognitive thinking. Much debate has been spent on determining when prehistoric humans first developed to the level of true cognitive thinking and much of the discussion has related to man’s initial use of symbolism as the determinant of cognitive thinking. Chase (2006:121) notes that it is in the archaeological record that man’s earliest use of symbolism will be evidenced. Many archaeologists (Bolton 1980:634: Hovers et al 2003: 509; Wreschner 1980: 633) believe that the symbolism associated with ochre and its ritual use among Palaeolithic man reveals cognitive processes. As a result, the study of ochre in archaeological contexts has become a major component in the discussion over what might comprise “a material signature” for symbolizing capabilities in humans (DeBoer 2005: 66).

In much the same way that ochre is being used in the debate over the origin of symbolic thought, the use of ochre among Palaeolithic groups has also become a factor in the debate over the origins and dispersion of cultures. Similarities in ochre practices between cultures has been noted (Wreschner 1980: 631), comparisons of the diversity of its referential framework have been discussed (Hovers et al 2003: 510), and inferences drawn regarding the derivation of one culture from another (Tankersley et al 1995: 193).

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Though still highly speculative, these studies hold the potential of opening new doors in the debate over cultural origins.

Closely aligned with the question of the origin of culture and its diffusion is the question of human mobility and migration. Though it has received relatively little attention as such, ochre, by nature of its extensive spatial and temporal characteristics, has the potential to be a valuable source of information on mobility, interaction, and exchange patterns among ancient peoples (Erlandson et al 1999:517). Recent studies (Erlandson et al 1999; Mooney et al 2003; Smith and Pell1997) have indicated that many ochre sources may be geochemically or magnetically unique enough to be classified. The ability to trace ochre from its archaeological context to its depositional source would be invaluable as a method for reconstructing prehistoric patterns of travel, trade, and contact. Ochre use within a prehistoric culture may also be a key in determining social hierarchies within the society. Historically, pigments have been used to signify groups, whether by gender, lineage, age, or rank (Boivin 2004: 8-9). Many archaeologists point to differences in the inclusion and contexts of ochre used in burials as indications of social differentiation exhibited by mortuary rituals in prehistoric times (Ames 2001; Bender 1985: Harrold 1980; Jelsma 2000). These comparisons of ochre burials in correlation with other grave goods have helped to identify possible social and political dichotomies within early cultures.

Finally, studies of ochre use in early groups have broadened knowledge regarding early technologies. In the case of quarrying, prehistoric sites have produced an abundance of information regarding methods for the procurement of ochre (Stafford et al 2003: 86 -88). The processing of the mineral results in a range of technological procedures with its associated tools (Boivin 2004:13). It has even raised the question of whether, in some

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cultures, the ground stone industry, particularly items such as mortars and pestles, arose

out of the need for preparing processed ochre rather than for the agricultural purposes

with which it is commonly associated (Schmandt-Besserat 1980: 129).

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Introduction

For over half a century, archaeologists have known that human groups had occupied arctic regions of North America prior to the arrival of the Inuit (McGhee 1996:5). Archaeological evidence indicates that even before the first appearance of those groups commonly referred to as “Native Americans,” there were people already inhabiting the northeastern coast of North America. At first, archaeologists gave the general designation “Paleo-Indian” to all those who occupied North America during the Palaeolithic, a period reaching at least to 12,000 B.P. Later this extensive period of time was divided into smaller time periods based on regional variations (see Appendix A). However, it soon became apparent that there were distinct cultural differences which distinguished particular groups from each other in addition to the geographic or chronological differences. Since these cultural groups had ceased to exist long before historic times, archaeologists were required to reconstruct these prehistoric cultures purely through the study of the material remains (Jelsma 1961: 41).

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History

One such group was initially identified by Charles Willoughby in 1892. Excavations by Willoughby in Maine during 1892 and 1894 uncovered sites noticeable for their abundant lithic artefacts buried along with copious amounts of red ochre (Willoughby 1915: 408). However, according to Willoughby, it was Massachusetts Institute of Technology professor, Arlo Bates, who first termed the group the “Red Paint People.” As further discoveries continued to expand the understanding of this culture and the surprising extent of its temporal and spatial distribution, the original name of “Red Paint People” was changed to what Sanger (1973) termed the “Moorehead Burial Tradition” to denote the set of mortuary customs which was practiced by this group. The Moorehead Burial Tradition (MBT) is generally characterized by 1) burials containing sizeable quantities of red ochre, 2) finely crafted ground stone points or “bayonets,” 3) artefact assemblages consisting primarily of celts, gouges, and exotic chert bifaces, and 4) significant bone technology (Stanyard 1993: 8). This distinct burial tradition set the group apart from the mortuary practices embraced by contemporary groups in eastern North America. Its geographic distribution includes the Atlantic coast of North America from northern Massachusetts to Ramah Bay in Labrador, including Newfoundland and many of the islands in the Gulf of Maine. In addition, MBT sites have been located further inland along major rivers and lakes. Figure 3.1 shows the general region in which MBT cemeteries have been recorded.

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Possibly the earliest indication of the Moorehead Burial Tradition came around 1880 when the graves at Sullivan Falls cemetery in Maine were uncovered by the construction of a railroad track to the steamboat landing at Hancock Point (Moorehead 1922:76). Farming and construction in Maine continued to periodically uncover more of these areas of red ochre in association with abundant lithic tools. However, it was not until 1892, when Charles Willoughby began his excavation at the site of a MBT cemetery at Lake Alamoosook in south central Maine, that this group first received professional attention (Bourque 2001: 4).

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The mortuary sites at Morrill’s Point in Massachusetts and at the Tableland site in New Hampshire, dated around 8500 B.P., are possibly the earliest sites along the Atlantic coast to include ochre, though they share little else in common with later MBT burials (Bourque 2001: 43). The earliest manifestation of the general mortuary pattern that has come to be known as the MBT is found at the L’Anse Amour site on the Strait of Belle Isle coast in southern Labrador. This 7500 year old burial mound consists of a circular mound of stacked rocks that measured eight meters in diameter and one meter high containing the skeleton of a child of about 12 years of age interred at a depth of about 1.6 meter (Fitzhugh 1978: 89). In addition to red ochre, the grave goods included an antler paint pestle, a toggling harpoon, and a bone flute (Jelsma 2000:15). However, despite this early appearance, it was not until about 5000 B.P. that the distinctive mortuary ritual of the MBT became a ubiquitous characteristic of aboriginal burials along the northeastern coast of North America (Stanyard 1993: 8).

Cemetery and Burial Characteristics

Up until 1955, it was believed that MBT cemeteries were confined to Maine and, even more specifically, largely limited to an area within fifty miles of the mouth of the Penebscot River (Stanyard 1993: 22). Subsequent discoveries of the Cow Point site in New Brunswick, the Rattlers Bight site in Labrador, and the Port-au-Choix site in Newfoundland greatly expanded the geographical borders of the group, while providing new insights into the culture of this group. Though sites discovered in the Canadian provinces have been fewer than in the American states, this may be because MBT cemeteries usually have no surface indications and their discovery is usually serendipitous (Moorehead 1922: 20). Another reason for the paucity of sites may be

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rising sea levels which may have submerged coastal sites (Jelsma 2000: 19) and which are likely to have been more severe northeast of the Maine-New Brunswick coastline (Snow 1972:212).

Moorehead (1922:360) had observed that MBT cemeteries were usually located at elevated sites and were generally near bodies of water. Both conclusions were reinforced by later research (Bourque 2001: 39; Stanyard 1993: 157). In most cases, cemeteries were located in soils consisting largely of sand or gravel where the rapid deterioration of bone left little osteological evidence at many of the cemeteries (Moorehead 1916: 361; Stanyard 1993: 9). Fortunately, at sites such as Neville, Turner Farm, and Port-au-Choix, skeletal remains have provided information regarding MBT interments. These have revealed that burials varied greatly from single to multiple interments and included flexed, extended, and bundled burials (Jelsma 2000: 108; Stanyard 1993: 157). Though some graves are covered by ash, cremation is not believed to have been a part of MBT ritual (Moorehead 1913:43; Stanyard 1993:9).

As mentioned earlier, the early defining characteristic of the Moorehead Burial Tradition was the use of ochre in elaborate mortuary rituals. Though ochre has been found in other North American burials, it was the profuse quantity of the mineral used in MBT interments which prompted particular interest in the group (Dragoo 1976: 14; Jelsma 2000: 158; Moorehead 1913:40). It has been estimated that as much as five or six bushels of powdered ochre were used at the Hathaway site in Maine (Moorehead 1922:26). Jelsma (2000: 96) notes that the amounts included in individual burials varied from none at all to a thick layer which lined the grave floor.

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Grave Goods

Though the extravagant use of ochre was a fundamental characteristic of the “unprecedented pattern of mortuary ceremonialism” displayed by the MBT, it soon became apparent that this culture was also defined by “a highly distinctive material culture” (Bourque 2001: 55). Closely aligned with the inclusion of ochre in burials are the associated grave goods found in these interments, often in such abundance as to be exceptional for groups prior to the mound builders. Tuck (1976: 87) recovered over 5000 artefacts from 53 burials excavated at Port au Choix. Individual burials drastically varied in the amount of grave goods each contained within any given cemetery. At the Emerson cemetery burials contained as few as one item or as many as twenty-one; the Hathaway site ranged up to 18 objects in a single burial; while the Hartford cemetery contained between two and ten artefacts per grave (Moorehead 1922: 24 and 50). Moorehead (1916: 363) first identified eight types of grave goods which characterized and distinguished MBT burials from later groups. In addition to ochre, he listed gouges, adze blades, plummets, slate spears, translucent spearpoints, crescents, and effigies. Later, Moorehead (1922: 103) developed a classification for the stone implements found in these cemeteries (Table 3. 1). The most common grave furnishings were utilitarian tools such as adzes, ^* gouges, and plummets (Bourque 2001:51). Bone artefacts were also fairly common and came in the form of combs, awls, needles, harpoon toggles, fish hooks, daggers, and the unique artefacts referred to as “bayonets” (Stanyard 1993: 9). Notably absent in MBT cemeteries was pottery, pierced tablets, soapstone

^* In archaeological reports, adzes and celts are frequently grouped together into a single category despite

their functional differences because ascribing specific function requires detailed use-wear analysis and is

highly time consuming (Stanyard 1993: 50).

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dishes, and triangular projectile points indicative of bow and arrow use (Moorehead 1913: 40).

Table 3.1 Classification of Stone Implements by Moorehead (1922: 103).

Gouges make up a large portion of the grave goods recovered from MBT burial sites. These ground stone tools were one type in an assemblage of tools used for a variety of woodworking tasks (Fowler 1963: 2). Both full channelled and partially channelled gouges have been found in MBT cemeteries, but the most common type is the partially channelled gouges in which a channel covers less than fifty percent of the superior face

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(Tuck 1976: 43). Most of these gouges are made from diabase or greenstone tuff and are

usually highly polished (Stanyard 1993: 52). Figure 3.2 illustrates typical MBT gouges

recovered at the Turner Farm site in Maine. Another common tool found in association

with MBT sites is the adze blade or celt (Figure 3.3). Depending on the hafting of these

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blades, they could be used to chop or plane wood. Stanyard (1993) revealed that celts recovered from the sites in his study were usually (77.5% of the 55 specimens tested) manufactured from diabase, a nonporpyrite, basaltic igneous rock. In addition, his quantitative attribute analysis further revealed strong similarities in celt morphology among the sites included in the research. In the majority of the cases, the adzes recovered at these sites showed no indications of use or resharpening (Hadlock and Stern 1948: 100; Stanyard 1993: 91; Tuck 1976: 46).

Particularly unique to MBT sites are the long, narrow points referred to as “bayonets” (Figure 3.4). For the most part, these bayonets were exceptionally crafted specialized ground slate points, but there are also numerous bayonets made from swordfish rostrum (Bourque 1995: 238). That the bayonets were prized by the people who practiced the

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Moorehead Burial Tradition is evidenced by the fact that, though it is rare to find broken gouges or celts in burials, even pieces of slate bayonets as small as 6 cm in length are interred (Moorehead 1922: 75). Stanyard (1993: 173) believes that these were highly valued ceremonial items that signified status. Whatever their function may have been, these unusual artefacts have been found at sites in Maine, Ontario, Labrador, and Newfoundland, showing the strong cultural link that ran along the northern Atlantic coast of North America.

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Daggers and harpoons of bone and antler; awls and needles; and beads and ornaments made from shells were frequent among the finds at MBT cemeteries (Tuck 1976: 36 - 41). Other common grave goods included faunal remains from edible and nonedible, terrestrial and marine animals (Jelsma 2000: 98). Exotic goods also

made up a part of the mortuary

assemblage. As early as 4500 B.P., bifaces made from Ramah chert (Figure 3.5) were being introduced into burials (Stanyard 1993: 156). Though it has been determined that the only source of Ramah chert is around Ramah Bay in northern Labrador, delicate points from this translucent material have been found at BMT sites throughout the northeastern region of North America (Moorehead 1922: 112).

Subsistence

Environmental studies on the prehistoric climate of the northern Atlantic coastal zone indicate that the area experienced warmer air and ocean temperatures for a time, followed by rapidly deteriorating conditions which began around 3000 B.P. (Jelsma 2000: 22). It is believed that the warmer climate produced environmental factors that permitted the early expansion of the MBT along the Atlantic coast (Fitzhugh 1978: 92). Quite early, Moorehead (1913: 46 - 47) noted that the implements found at these sites and the lack of evidence for corn or other cultigens indicated that hunting, rather than

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agriculture, made up the subsistence strategy of the group. The large-scale harvesting of shellfish, as evidenced by the hundreds of shell middens, and the profusion of deer native to the area, led him to conclude that the region supported a considerable aboriginal population. Research by Jelsma (2000: 17) supported Moorehead’s suppositions that their subsistence economy consisted of both terrestrial and marine animals, but Jelsma, along with Bourque (1995:86) and Stanyard (1993: 164), determined that maritime resources were the focus of MBT subsistence.

An important tangent in the MBT subsistence economy is the emergence in the Gulf of Maine of a sub-group that appears to have concentrated on the exploitation of swordfish. A study of this trend by Stanyard (1993: 156 - 159) indicates that the advent of swordfishing around 5000 B.P. along coastal Maine soon led to a decline in the economic importance of sea mammals among this group. The inclusion of bayonets made from swordfish rostrum in MBT burials could be taken as evidence that swordfishing had significant socio-religious consequences as well as economic ones (Stanyard 1993: 166). The marine oriented subsistence strategy of the MBT appears to have been a highly efficient system which encouraged sedentism and promoted population growth, as is evident by the large cemeteries which characterize the group (Tuck 1976: 84 - 86). Bourque (1995:90) believes that settlements, like that at the Turner Farm site, were year-round habitations. From these centrally-based sites, small bands could travel to temporary camp sites to exploit seasonal foods. Features, interpreted as the foundations of houses, have been discovered at sites such as that at Aillik, Labrador. These foundations suggest structures measuring as much as 4 by 20 metres, divided into several rooms with external storage facilities for each (Jelsma 2000: 12 - 13).

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Technology

Though it seems evident that agricultural and ceramic technologies were not present among this group, the absence of these two technologies does not mean that those practicing the MBT were lacking in technological advances. The emphasis on heavy woodworking tools that have been noted at MBT sites, coupled with the prominence of a maritime economy, is highly suggestive of an advanced boating technology (Jelsma 2000: 17). Stanyard (1993: 167 - 169) uses ethnological analogies from Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia to support the hypothesis that this group was able to make extensive and regular deep water treks. His theory is supported by indications of a deep water fishing industry demonstrated by the vast number of swordfish remains recovered. Stanyard’s research also points out MBT remains discovered at offshore sites like the Stanley site on Monhegan Island, which is about nineteen kilometres from Maine’s coast.

Trade Network

The boat technology of the Moorehead Burial Tradition group probably helped to serve as an impetus for the establishment of an extensive trade network that probably served to spread ideas as well as raw and manufactured products. Fitzhugh (1978:84) was one of the first to realize the wide-ranging exchange system evidenced by the distribution of lithic materials along the north Atlantic seaboard. The available technology for ocean travel opened up opportunities for long-distance trade that ushered in exotic items like Ramah chert bifaces into Maine. In exchange, groups in the southern limits of the MBT geographic range may have provided bayonets of swordfish rostrum and falsitic chert (Fitzhugh 1978: 84).

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Religion and Ritual

Mortuary remains provide tantalizing clues into the religious-philosophical beliefs behind the Moorehead Burial Tradition. It is the elaborate nature of the mortuary tradition within this group that makes it likely that they had a very sophisticated ideology (Stanyard 1993: 170). The ubiquitous and copious use of ochre in burials may be proof of a complex belief system regarding death and burial, even if the exact meaning of ochre’s symbolism remains undetermined (see Chapter Two). Tuck (1976: 157) believes that the lavish use of red ochre in mortuary contexts was an extension of this group’s regular ceremonial use of ochre for body painting and decoration, a conclusion he supports with ethnographic analogies.

Other indications of their belief system are found in the items chosen as grave goods. Among them are what Moorehead (1922:92) referred to as “lucky stones,” colourful pebbles too small to serve a functional purpose. Tuck (1976: 70 -72), in his report on the Port au Choix site, points out that pebbles, cobbles, and crystals make up the most numerous category of artefacts found at the site. He points out that the white quartz pebbles, found in varying frequency in burials from one to more than a hundred and providing a stark contrast to the red ochre lining the grave floors, were not to be found near the cemetery and must have been collected from a distant location and transported to the site for inclusion in burials. It seems likely that these small stones served a ritual rather than functional purpose.

Effigies are another type of mortuary furnishing that attests to religiousphilosophical beliefs. Fitzhugh (1978:75) noted the inclusion of both effigy sculptures and effigy plummets in MBT interments. Patterns in the grouping of stones and amulets/charms led Tuck (1976: 91-92) to infer that medicine bundles may have been

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incorporated in the Moorehead Burial Tradition. Medicine bundles were found frequently among adult burials and Tuck (1976:92) infers that the aboriginals believed they brought success in hunting and fishing. This conclusion is supported by ethnographic records which document the common use of medicine bundles by historic North American groups (Jelsma 2000: 155).

The inclusion of unused and non-functional tools in the burials may be an indication of a belief in an after-life. Moorehead (1916: 363) observed that many of the points included in burials were too delicate to have had a functional use as an offensive weapon or in hunting. Jelsma (2000: 16) lists numerous functional items that were unused or had been purposefully broken prior to interment, a characteristic which is commonly understood to be typical of groups having an after-life component within their religiousphilosophical worldview.

At Port au Choix, Burial 35A in Cluster C of Locus II, gives further clues into the belief system of the MBT. Both Jelsma (2000: 120 - 121) and Tuck (1976: 68 - 69) describe in detail the unique mortuary furnishing which accompany the individual buried there. Included with the body of this 45 - 70 year old male were the remains of what is thought to be an elaborate feathered cape containing over 200 Great Auk bills, a quantity that is not remotely approached in any other burial. In addition, forty-nine beaver incisors (nearly five times the number found in any other grave) and a unique bone hairpin decorated with an effigy of a Great Auk head are included with this body. This preferential treatment suggests that the individual served as the religious figurehead for the community, providing possible evidence of the practice of shamanism among the group (Jelsma 2000: 152).

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Social Organization

The complex nature of those who practiced the Moorehead Burial Tradition’s social organization began to be evident as more sites received professional study. Fitzhugh (1978: 62) reflected that, despite the assumption that all northeastern Indians should be placed into the category of a simple society of egalitarian hunter-gatherers, the emerging evidence of advanced cultural development, well-populated occupation sites, extensive marine-related ritual, and vast trade networks clearly indicated that this was not true for the MBT. The idea of social complexity and inequality among prehistoric hunter-gatherers is a fairly recent concept among archaeologists, pushed into public awareness by the 1966 symposium on “Man the Hunter” (Lee and DeVore 1968). Its application largely arose from studies of prehistoric and protohistoric groups, such as those along North America’s northwest coast, which did not fit into the previous paradigm of mobile, egalitarian, simple societies (Renouf 1984: 19). Stanyard (1993: 7) believes that between 6000 and 5000 B.P., the diverse groups along the north Atlantic coast developed into larger, more integrated units that shared a common, cohesive social system. He further asserts that these affiliated units were each organized into social hierarchies.

The evidence of social inequality among the people of the MBT was first indicated by evidence of differentiation in mortuary elaboration. It has generally been accepted (Binford 1971; Peebles 1971; Tainter 1978), though not universally (Braun 1981), that differences in burial treatment frequently reflect differences in social standing within a group. Alekshin (1983: 141) further stressed that a key sign of social stratification in a prehistoric society is the presence of burial groupings characterized by inequitable grave assemblages. Tuck (1976: 86) noticed just such a differentiation at the

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cemetery at Point au Choix and hypothesized status differences. However, it was Jelsma’s (2000: 145 - 150) extensive research comparing mortuary practices and social structure within the MBT that provided overwhelming proof of a social hierarchy among this group. Based on factors such as individual diets, grave goods, and DNA, Jelsma was able to surmise a threefold division of the society.

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Introduction

In this paper, a study of the Moorehead Burial Tradition is used as the foundation for a comparative study of mortuary ochre use in prehistoric North America. Since ochre use was a ubiquitous practice across the continent during much of prehistory, it would be impossible in this venue to cover every group who used ochre in burial rituals. In addition, too little is known about many of the groups to provide the necessary information for an accurate assessment. Therefore, for comparison, I have chosen a sampling of nine additional groups whose social and cultural traditions have been inferred through an interpretation of the archaeological record. These groups, while not providing an all-inclusive perspective of ochre use in mortuary contexts, do provide a sampling from which patterns can be detected.

Overview of Cultures in Study Group

The Chumash of California.

At the time of European contact, the Chumash were the exclusive occupants of the Santa Barbara coast (located about 150 kilometres north of Los Angeles) and inhabited a region along southern California’s coast and islands that covered about 25,000 square kilometres (Arnold 2001a:12). Archaeological evidence indicates that for

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at least a thousand years this group maintained continuity in mortuary behaviour, social organization, and religious practices (Gamble et al 2001: 208). Considered one of the most populous, prosperous, and socio-politically complex tribes in California, they are attributed with having had an elaborate artistic and technological tradition (Erlandson 1997: 91). The Chumash show indications of craft specialization in both their plank boat and shell bead manufacturing, industries which probably promoted the development of an extensive trade network between the Channel Island groups and those on the mainland (Arnold 2001a: 10).

The intensified subsistence economy of the Chumash, largely based on maritime resource exploitation, supported a large, sedentary population (Gamble et al 2001: 189). Since about 2600 B.P., this population was characterized by stratified social hierarchies which featured inherited status, social elites, and leaders who exercised multi-community authority (Arnold 2001a: 11; Erlandson 1997: 91; Gamble et al 2001: 187-188). Ethnographic data show that, at least by the time of contact with Europeans, the Chumash had utilized methods of long-term food storage and developed a complex religiousideological system manifested in elaborate mortuary ritual (Gamble et al 2001: 187 -193).

Ethnographic and archaeological data indicate that ochre had both utilitarian and ritual uses among the Chumash, ranging from its use as body paint for ceremonies to its use as a sealant in canoe making (Fagan 2004: 11). Burials covered with powdered ochre have been found in the region dating from at least four thousand years ago (Breschini 1983), but as the people in the area developed into a socially organized and cohesive group, this practice diminished. By about 2500 B.P., ochre recovered in burials was primarily in the form of paint on grave goods. In particular, effigies buried with

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individuals usually showed indications of having been painted with ochre prior to interment (Gamble et al 2001: 202). Also fairly common was the inclusion of lumps or small cakes of ochre in Chumash burials (Green 1999).

Red Ochre Complex

The Red Ochre complex was defined on the basis of mortuary treatments which include the use of ochre powder in the burial of the corpse, caches of chert bifaces in burial pits, and the inclusion of copper ornaments and marine shell beads (Walthall et al 1980: 21). This mortuary tradition, generally dated from 3000 B.P. to about 2500 B.P., extended through most of the western Great Lakes region, from western Ohio through parts of Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Ontario. Based on a comparison of the Riverside cemetery (a Late Archaic Red Ochre site in Menominee County, Michigan) and the Oconto cemetery (a Middle Archaic Old Copper site in Oconto County, Wisconsin), Pleger (2000: 169) was able to trace the development of increased complexity in social stratification possibly prompted by the intensification of trade for prestige items. In terms of both quantity and diversity of exotic items, the Red Ochre exchange system was almost as extensive as that developed by the Hopewell culture nearly two thousand years later (Pleger 2000: 180).

Weeden Island Culture

The Weeden Island culture marks the cultural climax of the prehistoric Gulf Coast region (Willey 1945: 251). Occurring chronologically after the Hopewell mound builders and showing strong evidence of Hopewellian influence, this group occupied the area for most of the latter part of the first millennium A.D.(Milanich et al 1984: 10). Willey

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(1945: 226) notes that the territory of the Weeden Island culture is marked by mounds and midden sites extending nearly the full length of the western coastline of the Florida peninsula and westward across the panhandle to the eastern side of Mobile Bay in Alabama. Sites have also been discovered up to 100 miles inland along major rivers such as the Tombigbee, Choctawhatchee, Appalachicola, Chattahoochee, Flint, and Suwannee Rivers.

The Weeden Island archaeological complex is best characterized by its distinct pottery styles that were first discovered at the site on Weeden Island and which have been found scattered or in mass deposits in burial mounds identified with this culture (Willey 1945: 225, 230). The pottery of this group reflects a high level of skill in manufacture and firing (Milanich et al 1984: 138) and has been described as the finest period of native Florida ceramics (Brown 1994: 40). Not all mounds contain burials and some mounds show indications of having been the site of charnel houses where bodies were ritually prepared for interment in mounds. The remains of powdered ochre was found in liberal amounts at these preparation sites as well as being associated with both primary and secondary burials within the burial mounds (Milanich 1994:176). Inhabitants of the Gulf Coast during this period enjoyed an environment that was ideally suited to sustain a large population (Willey 1945: 251) and archaeological evidence indicates a significant increase in the number and distribution of sites during the time of the Weeden Island culture (Milanich et al 1984: 11). Though the cultivation of maize was known by this time, there is little evidence for its use in the coastal areas, probably because of the unproductive soils of the Gulf littoral (Willey 1945: 252). The exploitation of marine resources is evident by the numerous shell middens associated with this group. In addition, a study of faunal remains at the Melton site, revealed that

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90% of the remains were from species that inhabited lake or marsh environments (Milanich et al 1984: 187).

The great diversity in the treatment of the dead among those in the Weeden Island culture suggests at least some level of social inequality. One model suggests a system of social organization somewhere between egalitarianism and the chiefdoms of the Mississippian period cultures (Milanich et al 1984: 42). Sears (1953: 223 - 229), however, contends that at some larger sites, such as the Kolomoki site in Georgia, the Weeden Island culture attained a high level of social organization with stratified social classes similar in complexity to the historic Natchez.

Adena Complex

Adena is the name given to an Early Woodland cultural manifestation that is characterized by elaborate mortuary ritual, the building of mounds, and artefact classes such as tubular pipes, hematite celts, and copper ornaments (Seeman 1986: 566). The Adena culture occupied sites in the Ohio Valley from eastern Indiana to western Pennsylvania from about 2500 B.P. until 2000 B.P. (Stoltman 1978: 718). Like most prehistoric groups in North America, the Adena were primarily huntergatherers (Bourque 2001:96). However, it is believed that this group was the first to introduce beans, squash, pumpkins, and sunflowers to the Ohio Valley (Webb 1952: 179). Despite having an intensive hunting and gathering economy, the Adena began developing cultivation technology, eventually making sunflower production and storage the basis of their stable subsistence economy. It is believed that the Adena culture was among the first in eastern North America to combine the characteristics of mound building, cultivation, and ceramic manufacturing (Stoltman 1978: 718).

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Webb (1952: 178 -179) asserts that the Adena had large, sedentary communities organized into a social structure that was conducive to massive communal public works. This structure was based on a complex social and religious hierarchy that was a significant change from earlier occupants in the region (Ritchie and Dragoo 1959:49). Another innovation for the area was the development of an extensive trade network that extended as far south as eastern Tennessee and as far north as New Brunswick, Canada (Stoltman 1978:718).

The earliest mounds built by the Adena were generally located on upper terraces or knolls, away from occupation sites (Dragoo 1976: 18). These burial mounds were the exclusive burial places of high-status individuals and display the richest expression of the Adena culture (Stoltman 1978: 718). Within these mounds were interred dozens of elite individuals (Garlinghouse 2001: 48). Corpses, sometimes buried in extended positions and sometimes cremated, were generously covered with powdered red ochre (Fagan1991: 362).

Northwest Coast Culture

The prehistoric and proto-historic peoples of the Northwest Coast of North America have long been the focus of archaeological study and debate. Though inhabited for at least 10,000 years, elaborate mortuary practices reflecting a rich and complex culture do not appear in the archaeological record until about 3500 B.P. (Ames 1994: 221). From an archaeological standpoint, the Northwest Coast extends south from Icy Bay in Alaska to Cape Mendocino, California, though some scholars believe that the region south of the Columbia River should be excluded (Matson 2003: 3). What is

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agreed upon is that the societies of the Northwest Coast were the “most socially complex hunting and gathering societies known on earth” (Ames and Maschner 1999: 13). Communities on the Northwest Coast ranged in size from less than 100 people to almost 2000, making them one of the largest regional populations in North America (Ames and Maschner 1999: 26). Archaeological and ethnographic data indicate that this group enjoyed a year-round sedentary lifestyle (Lepofsky et al 2000: 411) and lived in immense houses that contained households that could number to well over a hundred people (Ames and Maschner 1999: 25). The houses, containing multiple ranked families and associated slaves in different sections of the building, were the size of some small villages and as socio-economically complex (Arnold 2001a: 8). By as early as 5500 B.P., the Northwest Coast cultures had developed an intensive subsistence economy based on maritime resources, as evidenced by the widespread appearance of massive numbers of shell middens (Ames 1994: 218). A study of skeletons from the British Columbian coast showed that marine resources made up as much as 90% of the diet of those living on the coast for the last 5000 years (Chisholm et al 1983: 396 -398). Though shellfish were obviously a part of the diet of Northwest Coast peoples, it was the exploitation and storage of salmon that was a key factor in the development of the subsistence economy in this region (Ames and Maschner 1999: 115). The three hereditary classes within the Northwest Coast societies- elites, commoners, and slaves- portray an advanced level of status differentiation which is rarely found among hunter-gatherers (Arnold 2001a: 8). Originally identified from ethnographic accounts of this group at the time of European contact, these class divisions are also evident from differential treatment in prehistoric burials (Lepofsky et al 2000: 393). Recovered burials have predominantly been elite burials of individuals in prone or seated

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positions in richly furnished graves containing exotic items (Ames 1994: 221). Burial sites are often stained with red ochre (Lepofsky et al 2000: 409). Based on the quantity and diversity of exotic grave goods included in Northwest Coast burials, it seems apparent that this group had developed an extensive trading network (Lepofsky et al 2000: 412 - 413). Advanced watercraft technology, specialized artisans, and monumental architecture are additional traits for the people of this region (Ames and Maschner 1999:13, 26 -27). There is also evidence that this area experienced continual warfare from as early as 5000 B.P. to the time of contact (Ames 1994: 223).

The Hopewell Complex

The people of the Hopewell complex occupied the same general geographical region as the Adena. It is believed that the Adena influenced the cultural development of this group as it moved into the area around 2100 B.P. (Stoltman 1978: 719). Though the two Middle Woodland groups share many traits in common, major differences in physiology and culture justify their designation as two separate complexes (Witherspoon 1961: 436). In fact, it is likely that the differences were significant enough to lead to the decline and dispersion of the Adena as the Hopewellian population continued to increase and control the area until about 1500 years ago (Ritchie and Dragoo 1959: 48). The Hopewell complex has long been characterized by the large burial mounds in Ohio and adjacent states. These massive earthworks suggested a large population with a social system of some complexity, having the capacity to organize and sustain the labour needed to complete the task of building. Both Bryan (1964: 86) and Struever 1965: 212) inferred from their research that the Hopewell complex exhibited indications of a complex social hierarchy, possibly at the chiefdom level of social organization. Tainter’s

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(1980: 310) analysis of the Pete Klunk and Gibson mound groups led to the conclusion that the sites reflected a society consisting of six levels of social ranking, probably based on heredity.

Such an advanced cultural group was initially assumed to have been built on an economy of maize production, but archaeological evidence indicated that this was not so. A study of carbon isotope ratios in human collagen among individuals from Hopewell sites indicated that corn played a minor role in the diets of Hopewellian populations (Bender et al 1981: 348). Instead, it seems evident that they relied on a subsistence economy of hunting and gathering which was supplemented by the cultivation of squash, sunflowers, marsh elder, and goosefoot (Baby 1952: 185; Brown 1977:167; Stoltman 1978:718). It was not until near the termination of the Hopewell occupancy that maize production became widespread (Bryan 1964: 87; Byers 2004: 127; Stoltman 1978: 817). The Hopewell complex utilized an extensive trading network, often referred to as the Hopewell Interaction Sphere, demonstrated by silver from Lake Superior, grizzly bear teeth from the Rocky Mountains, graphite from the southern Appalachian region, and alligator teeth and marine shells from the Gulf Coast (Bryan 1964: 86). Large quantities of exotic materials were brought to the Ohio and Illinois centres and were included in the grave goods of the deceased (Stoltman 1978: 721). Most of the recovered burials were cremated, but it appears that a privileged few were interred in the flesh in log tombs (Baby 1952: 183). The Hopewell culture is characteristic of the Middle Woodland in the obvious decrease in mortuary ochre use. Inclusion tends to be sporadic and largely limited to ochre-stained items found with human remains such as the figurine at the Seip site (Swartz 2001: 168) or the cache of worked animal jaws at the Tremper Mound (Emanovsky 2002: 1).

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South Texas Mortuary Tradition

During the Middle Archaic period, a culture developed which was manifested by elaborate burials in large cemeteries focused in the Texas Coastal Plain, a region nearly a hundred miles wide extending from Nueces Bay to Galveston Bay (Highley 1995: 660). According to Osborne (pers. comm.), this South Texas Mortuary Tradition (STMT) is evident at sites such as Loma Sandia, Ernest Witte, and Olmos Dam. Archaeological evidence at these sites indicates an increasing aboriginal population that maintained a fixed territory (Black 1995:43; Hall 1995: 633,644). Black (1995:43) further believes that the development of specific subsistence strategies to exploit local plant resources played a large part in the population growth. In addition to acorns, the abundance of pecan trees in the Coastal Plain provided a “food source of exceptional nutritional value, extensive distribution, and great productivity” (Hall 1995: 637).

Artefacts found at the Loma Sandia site indicate interaction with cultures as far north as Arkansas (Hester and Turner 2001), as far southeast as Florida (Bement 1994: 27), and as far southwest as northern Mexico (Hall 1995: 646). The presence of unmodified marine shells might possibly indicate the presence of marine shell ornament manufacturing, a product which could have been used in trade (Hall 1995: 645). The occurrence of ochre in South Texas Mortuary Tradition burials is generally in one of three forms. It may be present as discolorations or stains found in and around burials or as nodules or lumps interred with the body (Taylor 1995: 105). Finally, it may be painted on some of the ground stone tools that are included as grave goods for an individual (Highley et al 1995: 520). At the Loma Sandia site, the amount of ochre in

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individual burials ranged from a trace amount to more than 147 grams (Highley and Leneave 1995: 796).

Western Idaho Archaic Burial Complex

The Western Idaho Archaic Burial Complex (WIABC) is the term used to identify a mortuary tradition whose practices had developed by at least 4500 years ago and lasted for a millennium (Pavesic 1985:77 - 78). The spatial distribution of this group extends from southwestern Idaho into eastern Oregon, being primarily concentrated in the lower Boise, Payette, and Weiser drainages. WIABC cemeteries are not found near settlements but are believed to be associated with the contemporaneous Midvale Complex (Meatte 1990: 63).

A semi-sedentary to sedentary lifestyle is indicated by the presence of housepits and storage facilities (Meatte 1990: 67). An intensified subsistence of resource exploitation appears to have been primarily based on anadromous fish, particularly Sockeye and Chinook salmon and steelhead trout (Pavesic 1985: 57). This stable lifestyle and abundant resources were probably factors in the development of an extensive exchange network represented by exotic trade items such as Pacific Coast-derived olivella shell beads (Pavesic 1985: 79 - 82). Most archaeologists think that the elaborate burial practices of the WIABC show evidence of social stratification (Ames and Maschner 1999: 194; Meatte 1990: 63; Plew 2000: 73 - 75). The WIABC had large cemeteries which were often located on high sandy knolls along river terraces (Meatte 1990: 64). Burials included flexed or semi-flexed inhumations, multiple interments, and some secondary burials. Use of ochre was common in burials and was usually recognizable as stains in burial pits or as a patina on grave

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goods (Pavesic 1985: 79). In secondary interments, bones are usually ochre-stained (Reid, pers. comm.). Grave goods include an abundance of exotic materials (Meatte 1990: 69) as well as chipped stone artefacts, most notably the turkey-tail point, which were normally over-sized and pristine, indicating manufacture specifically for mortuary use (Pavesic 1985: 59).

Meadowood Phase

The Meadowood Phase, occurring during the Early Woodland period, is generally dated to between 3000 B.P. and 2500 B.P. It is manifested at sites in central, western, and northern New York and into the southern area of Ontario. The settlement pattern for this group is believed to be a semi-sedentary lifestyle consisting of the year-round occupation of a central base camp with small campsites utilized for seasonal resource exploitation (Ritchie and Funk 1973: 346 - 348). Separate cemeteries were established on knolls away from occupation sites (Granger 1978: 5). Habitation sites were normally located near lakes or rivers, a practice which is a further reflection of the strong riverine/lacustrine orientation of the Meadowood subsistence economy (Granger 1978: 29). Another important aspect of the Meadowood economy was the gathering and storing of nuts and acorns (Ritchie and Funk 1978: 348). Large deep storage pits have been associated with habitation sites, further attesting to the size, density, and stability of the Meadowood populations (Granger 1978: 282).

The location of Meadowood sites on rivers and lakes connected this group to a vast system of linked waterways which promoted the development of an extensive trade network. This exchange system is evidenced by exotic grave goods such as marine shell beads from the Atlantic Coast, chalcedony from Quebec, jasper from eastern

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Pennsylvania, copper tools from the Great Lakes, and hornstone from Indiana (Granger 1978: 284). In addition to these prestige items, Meadowood burials also include utilitarian items such as celts, hammerstones, projectile points, and firemaking kits (Ritchie and Funk 1973: 348). Cemeteries tend to be small, usually containing fewer than 30 burials, with clusters that may indicate lineage groups. The majority of interments are cremations or single inhumations (Wright 1979: 53). Wright notes that the amount of grave goods varies significantly with each individual, reaching such a level of elaboration as to include caches of up to 1500 thin blades as well as gorgets, birdstones, and an abundance of red ochre . The extreme diversity in the quality and quantity of grave goods in Meadowood burials suggest at least the beginning of a definite system of social stratification (Granger 1978: 283).

Temporal and Spatial Characteristics

The use of ochre in mortuary contexts in North America can be found in parts of Mexico, most of Canada, and in almost every state in the U.S.A. Its use in burials is evident from the Palaeolithic period to historic times. However, pre-contact ochre use is not temporally continuous across all geographic areas; rather it may occur during different chronological periods in different regions.

In terms of spatial distribution, mortuary ochre use spans the continent from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific Ocean. It is found as far north as the arctic regions of Canada and continues south into the northern parts of Mexico. Figure 4.1 shows the spatial distribution of the study groups. The highest frequency of mortuary use seems to

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occur along the continent’s coasts and major rivers, with the locations of greatest

concentrations being found in the north eastern and north western regions. In Arizona,

New Mexico, and most of Mexico ochre use in burials is rare, being more commonly

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used as a pigment for rock painting or pottery. In central and southern Mexico, mortuary ochre use is rare, with the more common mineral, cinnabar, being used as a red pigment. Temporally, the mortuary use of ochre dates back to the earliest known arrival of humans during the Palaeolithic period (see Appendix A for a chronology of North American archaeological periods). However, its inclusion in burials does not appear to have become a common phenomenon until well into the Archaic period, reaching its peak between 3000 and 2500 years ago. Mortuary ochre usage decreased in frequency in most regions by the end of the Archaic, but experienced a revival in some regions during the Woodland period. Along parts of the Pacific coast, the practice is believed to have continued from the Palaeolithic period well into historic times. The temporal distribution of the groups in the study is shown in Figure 4.2.

Complexity and Mortuary Ochre Use

Using the Moorehead Burial Tradition as a basis for comparison, the main question to be answered by this study was whether the use of ochre in burials was more

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commonly found in simple or complex societies. However, in order to answer this question, one must first determine what complexity is. Complexity is a condition composed of many interrelated parts which increase in number and differentiation and become more firmly integrated into the whole (Marquardt 1985: 71). Those parts which make up cultural complexity do not define a construct but instead serves as criteria for determining stages of development (Denton 2004: 4). In essence then, rather than being a simple “cut and dried” designation, the concept of complexity really deals with the degree of intricacy and differentiation within a system (Paynter 1989: 369). Therefore, in order to determine the stage of complexity, the traits which indicate complexity within a society must first be established.

While studies on the characteristics which define social complexity are plentiful, not all are applicable to prehistoric hunter-gatherers. In many cases, these groups are almost solely known by their mortuary remain. Their social and cultural traditions must be inferred from what may be a limited archaeological record. There are, however, eight basic characteristics which are commonly considered to be indications of complexity and which can also be inferred from mortuary remains.

Sedentism or semi-sedentism. It has been asserted that sedentism is one of the principal factors on which social and cultural complexity develop (Brown 1985: 202). Perhaps that is why many scholars list it as a necessary characteristic of complexity (Bender 1985: 54; Brown 1985: 201; Denton 2004: 8). Sedentism or semi-sedentism, especially in hunter-gatherer groups, may be characterized by a main settlement supplemented with temporary satellite camps used by small groups to acquire seasonal resources (Renouf 1984: 22).

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Specialized technology. For decades, among archaeologists, complexity was synonymous with agriculture. More recently, it has been realized that complexity is not a condition limited to agricultural societies (Price and Brown 1985: 4). Complex prefarming groups have been recorded who have alternative forms of specialized technologies, such as pottery, bead, or boat making. Methods of storage. Brown (1985: 201) asserts that one of the identifiers of cultural complexity in the archaeological record of hunter-gatherer groups is the appearance of food storage. Storage systems are indicative of sedentary or semisedentary groups and may also be a sign of a stable economic system. It has also been argued that competition over food storage control may have led to the emergence of complex, hierarchically-ranked societies (Wesson 1990: 145). Extensive trade networks. Multi-regional exchange has been cited as one of the most archaeologically visible evidences of complexity in a society (Renouf 1984: 23). By tracing the origin of exotic materials found in the archaeological record the extent of trade networks can often be determined. Interregional trade has been credited with the formation of complex societies by promoting social differentiation (Hayden and Schulting 1997: 76: Hirth 1978: 35).

Increased population density. A necessary step in development from a simple to a complex society is an increase in population density (Denton 2004: 8; Price and Brown 1985: 6). Archaeologically, population density can be evidenced by the number and size of cemeteries associated with a particular group. Other techniques for reconstructing prehistoric population include size and number of settlement sites, amount of acreage under cultivation, and the size and number of shellfish middens (Cohen 1975: 471).

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Elaborate ritual and symbolism. The development of elaborate ritual and symbolism is believed to be another characteristic of cultural complexity in a society (Price and Brown 1985: 5). Ritual is thought of as the most highly symbolic cultural behaviour in which humans engage (Bolton 1980: 634). This ritual is often reflected in mortuary ritual which, as Beck (1995: 171) notes, exemplifies the fullest integration of symbolism, religion, ideology, and material culture.

Differential social ranking. Denton (2004: 8) lists social stratification as one of the ten stages of development in cultural complexity. As complexity increases in a society, inequality becomes a pervasive component (Paynter 1989: 374; Peebles and Kus 1977: 421). This social differentiation is usually evident archaeologically. A study by Carr (1995: 125 - 127) among thirty-one societies shows that social organization is reflected in burial ritual. His research indicated that as social complexity increased within a society so did the impact of social determinants on mortuary practices. Numerous archaeologists have supported the view that social status is reflected in burials (Charles 1995: 77; Larsen 1995: 247; Peebles 1971: 68; Renouf 1984: 23; Tainter 1975: 1). Intensive subsistence practices. Subsistence economies have often been used as predictors of cultural complexity (Bradley et al 1990: 448). Price and Brown (1985: 6) list intensive subsistence practices as a contributing factor to the development of complexity within a society. As these subsistence strategies intensified, it resulted in an improved visibility within the archaeological record of the developing complexity of a society (Bender 1985: 54-58). Bender interprets the remains of extensive shellfish middens as one example of this process.

Since complexity is a process of stages, these characteristics often serve as indicators of the phase of development toward complexity which each group had reached

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at the time that ochre use in mortuary contexts had become a common cultural ritual. Groups which display most of these characteristics can be considered as having reached a high level of complexity, while those who display fewer of these traits may be deemed to be in the early stages of complex development. Groups which exhibit none of these characteristics or a paucity of them might be considered to be a relatively simple society. Each of the study groups was examined to determine if these characteristics could be identified from the archaeological record. The results of this analysis are shown in Table 4.1.

Table 4.1 Characteristics of Complexity in the Study Groups

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The results indicate that the study groups show a varying frequency of the characteristics, indicating that they were probably at differing stages in the development of complexity at the time that the custom of mortuary ochre use was practiced. The data seems to be inconclusive in regard to the question of cultural complexity and mortuary ochre usage. In addition, there are several factors which may have biased the study, making the results even more ambiguous.

The first factor which must be addressed is the subjective nature of many of the complexity traits. Traits such as advanced technology may be largely determined relative to regional or chronological parallels. For example, Weeden Island pottery is described as reflecting an advanced level of skill in both manufacturing and firing (Milanich et al 1984: 138). However, it is not clear in what context that assertion was made. Were the Weeden Island potters advanced in relation to other Florida groups of that period or were they superior to all prehistoric North American groups? If it was exceptional for its time or region, was their craftsmanship of a nature to be deemed as advanced or specialized technology? The biased nature of these determinations brings the results of the data into question.

Difficulties are also evident in making determinations regarding the use of ritual and symbolism in a prehistoric culture. The use of ochre in mortuary contexts was long assumed to be a ritual practice which incorporated symbolism and reflected a culture’s ideology. More recently these assumptions have come under question. Was the inclusion of large amounts of powdered ochre with the deceased a symbolic ritual or simply a utilitarian practice to retard decay and minimize the odour of decaying flesh?

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Do the trace remains of ochre staining on tools in graves represent the empowerment of objects in the after-life or the more mundane fact of ochre having been used as an adhesive in the hafting of the blade? These questions place into dispute the supposition that these groups had complex systems of symbolism and ritual based solely on mortuary ochre use.

Another possible factor that may have skewed the results was the groups chosen for the study. In order to establish complexity traits, groups were chosen which were highly visible in the archaeological record. Unfortunately, complex groups generally tend to be more highly visible archaeologically. Therefore, it is likely that the choice of groups predisposed the results toward a conclusion of greater complexity. However, the abundance of non-associated burials containing ochre gives credence to the fact that this custom was probably practiced among simpler, more mobile groups. Though the study did not provide conclusive evidence regarding the cultural complexity of those who practiced mortuary ochre usage, the comparison of cultural traits and ochre use among the study groups does provide insights into this unique practice. The data provides information regarding the forms of ochre used in mortuary contexts as well as similarities in cultural traits between the groups in the study. These factors may help to establish a clearer picture of this practice and its significance among prehistoric peoples.

Morphology of Ochre in Mortuary Contexts

In North America, ochre is found in a variety of forms in burials. Most frequently it was applied in interments as a powder (Stafford et al 2003: 87). This may be seen in various burials as a layer under the body, as a sprinkling over the body, or both. Also

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common is the “painting” of grave goods prior to inclusion in the grave. Since ochre staining on grave goods may be the result of transference from powdered ochre in the burial, it is more difficult to determine the frequency of this practice. In cultures where secondary interments are common, the bones are often stained with ochre prior to reburial. Less commonly recorded is the inclusion of lumps or nodules of ochre with the deceased. The forms of mortuary ochre use among the study groups are summarized in Table 4.2. On rare occasions, archaeologists have recovered items manufactured from hematite that have been found among the grave goods in an individual burial, but this

Figure 4.2 Forms of Ochre Used in Mortuary Contexts

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practice does not reflect a common custom in any group. Other forms of mortuary ochre usage may have existed which did not survive in the archaeological record. The morphology of ochre used in burials among the study groups show variation both within and between geographic areas. This would seem to indicate that the choice of form was not dictated by regional associations. In addition, the choice of ochre form included in mortuary contexts does not seem to be primarily related to temporal factors. Its use in powdered form appears to have continued from Palaeolithic to historic times, while other forms of ochre use seem to have been practiced more randomly. Therefore it seems likely that the choice of ochre form used in burials was based on factors not related to spatial or temporal considerations.

Commonalities in Cultural Traits

The ten groups studied represented various regions and chronological periods in North America’s prehistory, yet all incorporated the custom of including ochre in burials. In addition to this common characteristic, there are several additional traits which are frequently found among groups who practiced mortuary ochre usage. One obvious feature that these groups hold in common is that all were primarily hunter-gatherers. Though some groups had developed the technology and practice of cultivation, the focus of their economy continued to be hunting and gathering. Closely aligned with this trait is the tendency toward an intensive aquatic-based subsistence strategy, utilizing a combination of coastal, riverine, or lacustrine resources. Because of the richness of this type of subsistence base, a frequent outcome of this economy was a tendency toward sedentism and population growth.

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Another common characteristic found within these groups is the development of an extensive exchange network. In most cases, the recovery of prestige items among the grave goods indicated that these had been transported from locations hundreds of miles away. A preference for marine shells, especially olivella shells, can also be noted among these groups. As is usually the case with interaction between two groups, along with the exchange of materials there is also the exchange of ideas. The interaction of these groups may have been a factor in either the spread or decline of the practice of mortuary ochre use.

These groups also shared similarities in regard to some mortuary customs. The majority of cultures in the study group showed a distinct predilection for establishing cemeteries on ridges or knolls. Often these were located within sight of bodies of water. In many cases, these cemeteries are located at a distance from occupation sites. Frequently, the most elaborate burials, in terms of the wealth of grave goods included, belong to infants or very young children. Several groups also share in common the practice of interring dogs within the boundaries of the cemetery.

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It seems apparent that the prehistoric use of ochre, especially in mortuary contexts, was a global phenomenon. Its use in the New World seems to have likely coincided with the arrival of the first people to its shores. Though in all probability ochre use in North America served both utilitarian and ritual purposes, its use in at least some mortuary contexts almost certainly had symbolic meaning. However, whether ochre’s importance rested primarily on its functionalism or in its symbolism, its significance to prehistoric North Americans warrants further research. The majority of research on North American mortuary ochre use has been limited to a geographical region, a chronological period, or a specific cultural group. This study approached the topic on a broader scope through a comparison of ten cultural groups who practiced this custom. In addition to showing the extensive nature of this practice, both in terms of temporal and spatial distribution, the analysis revealed similarities in cultural characteristics among the groups; similarities which may provide insights into the significance and symbolism behind the use of ochre in burials. This study, while far from being a definitive analysis of prehistoric mortuary ochre usage in North America, may hopefully serve as a catalyst to stimulate further research into those who practiced this unique burial custom. In particular, as enhanced

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geo-chemical processes make it possible to trace ochre to its origin, ochre’s distribution

may provide a better picture of mobility and trade among prehistoric groups. Ochre use

may even serve to provide insights into the routes of migration taken by these early North

Americans.

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Woodland

Chronology of North American archaeology by culture area

Archaeological Culture Areas of North America