Masterarbeit, 2003
85 Seiten, Note: Honours
Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 Overview
1.2. Methodology
1.3 Chapter Structure
Chapter 2: The International Context
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Migration
2.2.1 Historical Background, Root Causes and Migratory Trends
2.2.2 Effects of Emigration on Developing Countries
2.3 Remittances
2.3.1 Macro-economic Importance of Remittances
2.3.2 Remittance-promotion Programmes
2.4 Related Concepts
2.4.1 Civil Society
2.4.2 Social Capital
2.5 Conclusions
Chapter 3: The Mexican Context
3.1. Introduction
3.2 Background Information on Mexico
3.2.1 General Information
3.2.2 20th Century History of Emigration to the US
3.3 Remittances
3.3.1 Macro-economic Importance of Remittances
3.3.2 Family Remittances, Collective Remittances and Productive Investments
3.4 Government Outreach Programmes
3.4.1 “Program for Mexican Communities Living Abroad” and its Developments
3.4.2 Fund-matching Schemes
3.5 Mexican Hometown Associations in the USA
3.6 Conclusions
Chapter 4: Case Study: 3-For-1 Fund-Matching Scheme
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Background Information on Zacatecas
4.3 Programme Analysis
4.3.1 Projects
4.3.2 Successes
4.3.3 Shortcomings
4.3.4 Policy Recommendations
4.4 Conclusions
Chapter 5: Conclusions and Recommendations
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Migrants as Actors of Change
5.2.1 Development
5.2.2 Politics and Institutions
5.3 Recommendations for Further Research and Actions
The primary objective of this dissertation is to investigate the dual potential of collective remittances: their contribution to regional development and their role in fostering a development-oriented co-operation between migrants and their home governments. The research explores how financial pooling by migrant associations can bridge gaps in local infrastructure and human development while simultaneously influencing political culture through enhanced engagement.
1.1 Overview
The main objective of this dissertation is to investigate the two-fold potential of collective remittances: Firstly, collective remittances may contribute to regional development and, secondly, they may initiate and spur a development co-operation between migrants and their home government. I argue that collective remittances make a contribution to low-scale regional development with regard to infrastructure improvement and human development, which may, in turn, help level the ground for future economic development. Furthermore, I will prove that collective remittances provide an incentive for home governments to establish contacts with émigrés, which may trigger collaborative efforts to tackle an issue of common concern: regional underdevelopment. The quality of such a co-operation, however, depends heavily on the attitude adopted by all parties involved. Those two main research areas will be embedded in a broader discussion about international migration and the importance of remittances for developing countries in macro-economic terms as well as of family remittances for their respective recipients as income-complementing resource or even as sole income.
Migrant remittances are defined as money earned by migrants abroad that is then sent back to their countries of origin. They can be divided into two main categories: family remittances and collective remittances. Family remittances are sent by migrants living abroad to their families back home on an individual basis and are mainly used to cover basic living expenses. Despite the fact that family remittances are of pivotal importance not only to recipients but also to migrant-sending countries as a valuable source of foreign exchange, the focus here is on collective remittances. Collective remittances involve an organised pooling of financial resources by migrants. This money can then be used for charity, infrastructure improvements, educational projects and so forth. In recent years, attempts have also been made to establish income-generating programmes which are financed by collective remittances. To date, collective remittances make up only a very small percentage of total remittances. Firstly, family remittances understandably take priority for migrants as they ensure that their own families are cared for in times of hardship and, secondly, collective remittances require a well-organised network of migrants with an agreed focus.
Chapter 1: Introduction: Outlines the research objectives, methodologies, and the structure of the dissertation, focusing on the potential of collective remittances.
Chapter 2: The International Context: Provides an overview of migration patterns, root causes, and the global macro-economic significance of remittances.
Chapter 3: The Mexican Context: Analyzes the history of emigration in Mexico, government outreach programs, and the role of hometown associations.
Chapter 4: Case Study: 3-For-1 Fund-Matching Scheme: Evaluates the specific case of Zacatecas, including successes, shortcomings, and policy recommendations for the 3-for-1 model.
Chapter 5: Conclusions and Recommendations: Synthesizes findings on the migration-development nexus and proposes future research directions regarding migrants as actors of change.
Collective Remittances, International Migration, Fund-Matching Schemes, Hometown Associations, Mexico, Development Co-operation, Social Capital, Zacatecas, Brain Drain, Remittance-promotion Programmes, Civil Society, Regional Development, Migradollars, Infrastructure, Participatory Development.
The study primarily investigates the dual potential of collective remittances for regional development and as a mechanism for co-operation between migrants and their home governments.
Core themes include the analysis of global migration trends, the socio-economic impact of remittances, the institutional role of hometown associations, and the effectiveness of government-led fund-matching schemes.
The author used a combination of document analysis, statistical evidence, exploratory interviews via email, and a heuristic case study of the 3-for-1 fund-matching scheme in Zacatecas.
The main body examines the international context of migration, provides a detailed case study of Mexico and Zacatecas, and evaluates theoretical frameworks like Goldring’s typology of remittances.
Collective remittances refer to the organized pooling of financial resources by migrant groups to fund community projects, such as infrastructure or social improvements, rather than individual household support.
Key concepts include "fund-matching schemes," "social capital," "civil society," "hometown associations," and the "migration-development nexus."
It is the oldest and most successful example of a tripartite fund-matching project in Mexico, providing a robust model for comparative analysis in small-scale research.
It is a theoretical concept suggesting that international migration often increases temporarily as a country's economic development improves rapidly, before eventually leveling off.
The author argues that the state's role is critical in fostering a partnership with migrants, provided that it moves away from authoritarian or corporatist legacies toward more transparent, participatory governance.
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