Masterarbeit, 2008
69 Seiten, Note: 1,3
Introduction
Chapter 1 - Theoretical framework
Introduction
1.1 Civil Society
1.1.1 Civil Society Forces
1.1.2 Embryonic Civil Society
1.1.3 The Role of Civil Society in Transition
1.1.4 Civil Society - Regime Interaction
1.2 Regime Type
1.3 Political Culture
Chapter 2 - Totalitarist Cuba vs. Sultanist Belarus
Introduction
2.1 Cuba’s Personalistic Communist Dictatorship
2.2 Sultanism in Belarus
Conclusion- Implications for Regime Change and the Role of Civil Society
Chapter 3 - Political Culture in Cuba and Belarus
Introduction
3.1 Sources of Political Culture
3.2 Alexander Lukashenka, Keeping the Soviet Dream Alive!
3.3 Fidel Castro’s “Revolution” – National Unity and Social Values
3.4 Satisfaction with How the Things Go
3.5 Satisfaction with the Current Regime and Support for Democracy
Conclusion: Are “they” ready yet? - Implications for Democratic Regime Change
Chapter 4 - Civil Society in Cuba and Belarus
Introduction
4.1 The Emergence of an Embryonic Civil Society in Cuba – slowly but constantly
4.1.2 The Varela Project and Oswaldo Paya
4.1.3 The Cuban Spring and Las Damas de Blanco
4.1.4 The Cuban Forum and National Dialogue
4.2 The Abortion of the Embryo- the Set Back of Civil Society Development in Belarus
4.2.1 The Political Opposition and Its Way towards Marginalization
4.2.2 The Character of the Belarusian Opposition
4.2.3 The Rift between the Opposition and the Belorussian Society
4.2.4 The Failure of Unification and the Loss of Strength
Conclusion- Learning from Cuba
Conclusions
This thesis examines the prospects for democratic transition in Cuba and Belarus by analyzing the roles of civil society and political culture as critical, non-elite variables that influence regime change. It seeks to answer whether civil society and political culture can generate the necessary pressure for democratization in these two nontransition cases.
2.1 Cuba’s Personalistic Communist Dictatorship
The Cuban regime inherits many adjectives which in sum makes Cuba a totalitarian regime. In Cuba there is no significant economic, social, or political pluralism. The communist party has de jure and de facto the monopoly of power. Democratic established institutions are absent. The regime is of communist nature, which means that an elaborate and guiding ideology exists that articulates an almost unreachable utopia. Leaders, groups and individuals obtain their legitimacy from this ideology. In the field of mobilization communist Cuba has an extensive mobilization into a vast range of regime- created obligatory organizations.
Private life is decried and the emphasis lays on activism of cadres and militants. The totalitarian leadership in Cuba rules with undefined limits. It is charismatic; Fidel Castro and his brother are the shining figures of the Cuban revolution. Recruitment to the top leadership is dependent on the commitment and success within the party organization. Cuba therefore seems to be the best example for applying Linz’ and Stepan’s characterization of a totalitarian regime. Cuba is a personalistic Communist dictatorship enjoying unlimited authority.
Fidel Castro through his roles as Chief of State, Head of government, First Secretary of the Communist Party and commander in chief of the armed forces is responsible for every appointment and controls every lever of power in Cuba. He (and his brother) exercise control over all aspects of life through the security apparatus or the Communist Party. The members of the party’s Politburo are personally chosen by Fidel Castro and the legislative body meets only twice per year to acknowledge decisions and policies of the government. The Council of State is the permanent organ. Judiciary is subordinated to the will of the government and the Communist Party. In Cuba contested elections are absent therefore this country, even though elections exist is not an electoral democracy. Raul Castro is treated as his brother’s successors so that the overall recruitment within the system can be described as “designated”. Both brothers dominate the political system.
Chapter 1 - Theoretical framework: Defines civil society, regime types, and political culture as essential variables for understanding democratic transitions.
Chapter 2 - Totalitarist Cuba vs. Sultanist Belarus: Contrasts the totalitarian communist structure of Cuba with the sultanistic personalistic autocracy in Belarus.
Chapter 3 - Political Culture in Cuba and Belarus: Investigates the historical sources and current state of political values in both countries and their impact on democratization prospects.
Chapter 4 - Civil Society in Cuba and Belarus: Compares the development and effectiveness of embryonic civil society and democratic opposition movements in both regimes.
Democratization, Civil Society, Political Culture, Cuba, Belarus, Authoritarianism, Totalitarianism, Sultanism, Regime Change, Democratic Transition, Opposition, Fidel Castro, Alexander Lukashenka, Political Participation, Civic Engagement
The thesis investigates the prospects for democratic regime change in two specific nontransition cases, Cuba and Belarus, with a focus on civil society and political culture.
The research compares the personalistic communist dictatorship of Cuba with the sultanistic autocracy under Alexander Lukashenka in Belarus.
The study asks whether civil society and political culture influence democratic transition in Cuba and Belarus and which country holds better prospects for such a change.
The author employs a qualitative comparative analysis, moving away from elite-centered approaches to focus on the role of civil society and the masses in the transition process.
The main sections cover the theoretical framework of civil society and political culture, a comparative analysis of the specific regime types, and detailed examinations of political culture and civil society in both countries.
Key concepts include democratic transition, civil society development, political culture, authoritarian resilience, and comparative regime analysis.
The author argues that a Soviet-style political culture, which prioritizes social stability and strong-hand rule, hampers the development of pro-democratic movements and creates public distrust towards alternative democratic visions.
While both are embryonic, the Cuban opposition is described as more united around a charismatic leader (Oswaldo Paya) and increasingly focused on reaching the population, whereas the Belarusian opposition remains fragmented by personal animosities and lacks a clear, cohesive strategy.
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