Diplomarbeit, 2007
106 Seiten, Note: 2,0
1. Introduction: Relevance of the topic and purpose of the paper
1.1 The current state of research
1.1.1 The theory
1.1.2 State of research on Sweden and Scandinavia
1.2 Terms and definitions
2. The actors and their relevance in this paper
3. Analytical Model: Why and how the Radical Right exists?
3.1 Concept on RR’s organizational manifestation (Minkenberg)
3.2 Second model: Rydgren’s approach
3.3 The Synthesis
4. Analysis of the case
4.1 Historical tradition and political culture
4.2 Conflict patterns
4.3 Presence or absence of societal strains
4.4 Availability of a potent master frame
4.5 Agenda setting ability, politicization of new issues, elite allies, access to mass media
4.6 State’s capacity and propensity for repression
4.7 Degree of convergence in political space
4.8 Relative openness or closure of the institutionalized political system
5. Conclusion
This paper aims to bridge the research gap regarding the Radical Right in Sweden by combining party research and social movement research to explain the bipolarity between a weak party-level presence and a vital movement-level existence.
4.1 Historical tradition and political culture
The historic tradition as a cultural aspect of political opportunity structures (Minkenberg 1998, 2003) is of tremendous importance in the Swedish case since it is able to explain, in part, the long tradition of the Swedish RR movement and their qualitative strength on the one hand and their inability to escape marginalization on the other hand. The historic tradition is closely related to the specific political culture of the case (Minkenberg 2003: 156ff.). Even though, the term political culture is a bit diffuse, I am going to utilize it as defined in chapter 1.3, since the criterion may cast light on the political language in the political sphere in contrast to the RR actor. It could therefore possibly identify a closure or gap between both.
When analyzing the current Swedish RR phenomenon and its internal (resources, strategy, ideology, framing ability) and external conditions (POS, legal set-up), it is useful to cast some light on the historical corner stones, as they have explaining power for the criteria analyzed below. These historical corner stones may also be useful to create a more sufficient picture of the Swedish political culture. A country’s historical tradition and political culture are closely interwoven indicators as the political culture is always to a certain degree a historical aggregate.
The historical corner stones for most European countries are WW II, the Cold War, and the European integration. In contrast to the majority of European countries, Sweden’s history has not seen war since 1814 (Aylott 1999: 47ff.). During both World War I and especially World War II, Sweden stayed neutral by a tightrope walk between Nazi-Germany and the Alliance (Bieler 2002: 130ff.). Swedish neutrality was singular in Europe, since it was internally negotiated and not an outcome of any external treaties, as has been the case in Switzerland, Austria, and Finland. Sweden kept its neutral status until 1994 with the referendum on EU membership and its EU accession in 1995. This long tradition of neutrality and equilibrium may be a root of Swedish immunity towards political extremism as a mainstream phenomenon.
1. Introduction: Relevance of the topic and purpose of the paper: Outlines the research gap regarding the Radical Right in Sweden and establishes the aim of combining party and social movement research.
2. The actors and their relevance in this paper: Identifies and categorizes key Radical Right organizations, focusing on qualitative measures of "strength" like internal structure and networking.
3. Analytical Model: Why and how the Radical Right exists?: Introduces the theoretical framework by synthesizing the models of Minkenberg and Rydgren to explain Radical Right success or failure.
4. Analysis of the case: Provides a comprehensive empirical test of the defined analytical variables, including historical background and organizational performance.
5. Conclusion: Summarizes findings on the bipolarity of the Swedish Radical Right and reflects on the potential for future electoral changes.
Radical Right, Sweden, Social Movement Research, Party Research, Political Opportunity Structures, Master Frame, Extreme Right, Political Culture, Electoral Marginalization, Ny Demokrati, Sweden Democrats, Cordon Sanitaire, Historical Tradition, Mobilization, Populism
The paper examines the Radical Right in Sweden, specifically why it remains strong at the movement and network level while failing to establish a permanent, successful party in the national parliament.
The research utilizes the analytical frameworks developed by Michael Minkenberg and Jens Rydgren, focusing on political opportunity structures and the diffusion of master frames.
Strength is defined qualitatively rather than quantitatively, encompassing the internal organizational structure, external networking, ideological input, and overall action potential of the groups.
This dichotomy helps categorize Swedish actors based on their ideological origins and strategies, with the "old Right" often linked to historical national socialism and the "new Right" focusing on more modern populist and ethno-nationalist rhetoric.
Unlike Denmark and Norway, which experienced earlier and more sustained electoral success for Radical Right populist parties, Sweden remained a "negative case" for decades, characterized by the absence of an established national Radical Right party.
The cordon sanitaire refers to the informal consensus among political and media elites to isolate and stigmatize Radical Right organizations, which the author identifies as a key factor in preventing these groups from gaining national political influence.
NyD failed due to internal leadership disputes, a lack of clear roots in a Radical Right tradition, and its inability to sustain voter support after its short parliamentary guest appearance in the early 1990s.
While the SD has shown increased electoral results and a modernization of its strategy and rhetoric, the author notes that it is still in a process of attempting to cultivate a sufficiently potent master frame to enter parliament securely.
Der GRIN Verlag hat sich seit 1998 auf die Veröffentlichung akademischer eBooks und Bücher spezialisiert. Der GRIN Verlag steht damit als erstes Unternehmen für User Generated Quality Content. Die Verlagsseiten GRIN.com, Hausarbeiten.de und Diplomarbeiten24 bieten für Hochschullehrer, Absolventen und Studenten die ideale Plattform, wissenschaftliche Texte wie Hausarbeiten, Referate, Bachelorarbeiten, Masterarbeiten, Diplomarbeiten, Dissertationen und wissenschaftliche Aufsätze einem breiten Publikum zu präsentieren.
Kostenfreie Veröffentlichung: Hausarbeit, Bachelorarbeit, Diplomarbeit, Dissertation, Masterarbeit, Interpretation oder Referat jetzt veröffentlichen!

