Sexual Abuse of Minors in the Reporting of German Daily Newspapers from 2018 to 2022

Table of Contents

List of Figures

List of Tables

1.1 RelevanceoftheTopic

1.2 State of Research

1.3 Research Question and Aim oft he Study

1.4 Methodolgy and Structure oft he Thesis

2 Definitions Legal Context, and Theoretical Background
2.1 Laws and Definitions
2.1.1 Sexual Abuse of Children under Criminal Law
2.1.2 Sexual Abuse ofAdolescents under Criminal Law
2.1.3 Child Pornography under Criminal Law
2.1.4 Act to Combat Sexualised Violence Against Children
2.2 CurrentSituation
2.2.1 Police-recorded cases between 2018 and 2022
2.2.2 Chronology of Major Media-Relevant Abuse Cases
2.2.3 Church Abuse Studies, 2018-2022
2.3 Theoretical Framework
2.3.1 Agenda-Setting-Theory
2.3.2 Framing-Theory
2.3.3 NewsValueTheory
2.3.4 Normative Media Theory

3 Overall Design ofthe Study
3.1 Quantitative Media Content Analysis
3.1.1 Objects of Investigation
3.1.2 InvestigationPeriod
3.1.3 Sample
3.1.4 Categories and Codebooks
3.1.5 DataCollection
3.1.6 Data Cleaning, Preparation, and Storage
3.1.7 Analysis
3.2 Unstructured Expert Interviews
3.2.1 Guideline
3.2.2 Expert Selection
3.2.3 Conducting, Transcription, and Data Storage
3.2.4 Qualitative Content Analysis

4 ResultsoftheResearch
4.1 Results oft he Quantitative Content Analysis
4.1.1 Results on Article Frequency
4.1.2 Results on Article Length and Position
4.1.3 Results on Frequency of Main Persons
4.1.4 Results on Frequency of Specific Topic Areas
4.1.5 Crises and Reporting on Sexual Abuse and Child Pornography
4.2 Results of Unstructured Expert Interviews
4.2.1 Positive Aspects of Reporting on the Topic
4.2.2 Negative Aspects of Reporting on the Topic
4.2.3 Wishes Regarding Reporting on the Topic
4.2.4 FurtherBackgrounds

5 DiscussionoftheResults
5.1 Frequency ofArticles and Case Numbers
5.2 Weighting ofArticles and Case Numbers on the Topic
5.3 Frequency of Specific Persons and Topic Areas
5.4 Crises and Reporting on the Topic
5.5 Quality of Reporting on the Topic
5.6 Potential for Improvement in Reporting on the Topic
5.7 Further Findings and Implications

6 Conclusion

Bibliography

Appendix List

List of Figures

Figure 1: Process of quantitative content analysis

Figure 2: Steps for conducting expert interviews

Figure 3: Process of qualitative content analysis according to Mayring

Figure 4: Frequency of articles on the topic

Figure 5: Comparison of article counts on the topic

Figure 6: Articles on sexual abuse of children

Figrue 7: Articles on child pornography

Figure 8: Length ofall analysed articles during study period

Figure 9: Frequency ofdifferent main persons

Figure 10: Frequency of specific topic areas

Figure 11: Frequency oftopics during study period

Figure 12: Case numbers and clearance rate for sexual abuse of children

Figure 13: Case numbers and clearance rate for child pornography

Figure 14: Case numbers Bavaria

Figure 15: Case numbers in Baden-Württemberg

Figure 16: Case numbers in Saxony

List of Tables

Table 1: Church abuse studies published 2018-2022

Table 2: Agenda-Setting-Models

Table 3: Framing Elements

Table 4: Two-Componenten-Model of News Value Theory

Table 5: Public-Interest-Model and quality criteria

Table 6: German daily newspapers analysed

Table 7: Keyword search in wiso database

Table 8: Ranking of main persons in articles on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography. ..33

Table 9: Ranking oftopics in articles on sexual abuse ofminors and child pornography

Table 10: Search results on crises during study period

Table 11: Codebook 3 - Expert Interviews

Abstract

Diese Bachelor-Arbeit untersucht die Berichterstattung über sexuellen Missbrauch von Minderjährigen und Jugendlichen und Kinderpornografie in deutschen Tageszeitungen zwischen 2018 und 2022. Es wird analysiert, ob die zunehmende Prävalenz dieser Verbrechen die Quantität und Qualität der Berichterstattung vor dem Hintergrund der Corona-Pandemie und des Ukraine-Krieges beeinflusste. Die Forschung zielt darauf ab, eine Lücke in der aktuellen Literatur zu schließen und weitere Fragen zu generieren. Die Resultate der Studie zeigen, dass die untersuchten Zeitungen das Thema trotz des Ausbruchs von Pandemie und Kriege in gleichbleibender Häufigkeit abdeckten. Es konnte festgestellt werden, dass Anstiege der Fallzahlen die Häufigkeit von Artikeln zu sexuellem Missbrauch Minderjähriger und Kinderpornografie nicht beeinflussten. Auch Einflüsse auf die Gewichtung der Artikel, also deren Umfang und Positionierung, konnten nicht festgestellt werden. Zentrale Perspektiven und Themenbereiche der Artikel wurden durch die Fallzahlen ebenso wenig beeinflusst. Dagegen fiel auf, dass sich die Rangfolge der zentralen Themenschwerpunkte und Perspektiven in den Artikeln kaum änderte und sich bei allen untersuchten Zeitungen ähnelte.Schluss- folgernd konnte festgestellt werden, dass es zu einer Überbetonung bestimmter Sichtweisen und einer Vernachlässigung anderer kam. Außerdem weisen die Resultate darauf hin, dass besonders häufig über sensationelle und schwere Einzelfälle berichtet wurde und damit ein verzerrtes Bild der Realität vermittelt wird.

Schlüsselworte: Medienanalyse, Berichterstattung, Tageszeitungen, Pandemie, Ukraine-Krieg, Medienethik, quantitative Analyse, qualitative Analyse, öffentliche Wahrnehmung

Abstract

This bachelor’s thesis examines the reporting on sexual abuse of minors and adolescents and child pornography in German daily newspapers between 2018 and 2022. It analyses whether the increasing prevalence of these crimes influenced the quantity and quality of reporting against the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine. The research aims to close a gap in the current literature and to generate further questions.The study’s results show that the newspapers examined covered the topic with a consistent frequency despite the outbreak of the pandemic and wars. It was found that increases in case numbers did not affect the frequency of articles on sexual abuse and child pornography. Likewise, no significant influence was observed on the weighting of the articles, i.e. their length and placement. Central perspectives and thematic focuses ofthe articles were also not affected by the number of reported cases. However, it became apparent that the ranking of key thematic priorities and perspectives changed little and was similar across all newspapers analysed. In conclusion, the findings indicate that certain viewpoints were overemphasised while others were neglected. Furthermore, the results suggest that reporting often focused on sensational and severe individual cases, thereby creating a distorted image of reality.

Keywords: media analysis, news reporting, daily newspapers, pandemic, war in Ukraine, media ethics, quantitative analysis, qualitative analysis, public perception.

Introduction

Johannes-Wilhelm Rong, the former Independent Commissioner for Child Sexual Abuse Issues, once stated that silence only helps the perpetrators — a notion that arguably applies not only to cases of sexual violence against children. In 2017, he noted that the extent of child abuse in Germany was enormous (p. 58) and described protection from sexual violence as a long-term and ongoing task (p. 62). Despite Rorig’s call to action, the number of reported cases rose sharply only a few years later. Toward the end of the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic (2020), the German news programme Tagesschau reported that online abuse had increased during the pandemic, and police statistics confirmed this trend. Between 2019 and 2021, the number of children who became victims of sexual abuse rose by 1,797 cases (BKA, 2023a). In 2021, there was also a rapid increase in the distribution, acquisition, and production of child pornography (BKA, 2023b). It seemed that during the pandemic, not only sexual abuse of minors and child pornography thrived but also many other pandemic-related problems came to the forefront. When Vladimir Putin launched his war of aggression against Ukraine on 24 February 2022, an even greater calamity unfolded across Europe.

The editorial teams of German media outlets had their hands full — and this at a time when the industry itself was struggling on several fronts: with transformation processes triggered by digital disruption¹, the effects ofthe print media crisis², and an increasing shortage of skilled professionals³. The COVID-19 pandemic added further challenges, such as lockdowns, isolation, and rising sickness rates, while fake news, hacker attacks, and smear campaigns against the media had to be countered. Against this backdrop, the question arises as to whether the media were still able to fulfil their societal functions despite all these significant challenges. In 2022, Tagesschau reported that “49 children become victims of sexual violence every day.” This raises the question of whether the scale of this social problem was continuously addressed by the German media. Could the rise in case numbers be reflected in the frequency, scope, and placement of articles on sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography? Despite the pandemic and war? And how was the reporting shaped? Was the issue covered from multiple perspectives and viewpoints?

According to Skog et al. (2018, p. 432), digital disruption describes a rapidly evolving process in which digital innovation fundamentally transforms the logics of sustainable value creation and capture by unbundling or recombining resources and their connections in new ways. The Statista Research Department (2023) found that the total circulation of German daily newspapers has almost halved since 1991, with declining circulation also affecting revenues — a trend projected to continue. Furthermore, a survey by the FKTG Gesellschaft fur elektronische Medien (2022) reported that attracting and developing skilled workers ranks among the top three strategic priorities for every second company within the media, creative, and digital industries of Berlin and Brandenburg. In 2022, Tagesschau reported that 49 children become victims of sexual violence every day. This raises the question of whether the magnitude of this societal problem was continuously addressed by German media. Could the rise in case numbers be reflected in the frequency, scope, and placement of articles on sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography? Despite the pandemic and war? How was the reporting structured? Was the issue examined from different perspectives and viewpoints? And were certain quality criteria upheld? The present study seeks to explore all of these questions.

1.1 RelevanceoftheTopic

According to the German Federal Agency for Civic Education, the media make an indispensable contribution to the functioning of democracy by fulfilling informational, opinion-forming, and monitoring functions (BpB, 2016). These three essential functions are particularly evident in crime reporting: the media inform the public, exercise oversight over the legislative, executive, and judicial powers, and create a basis for public opinion formation. According to the Federal Agency for Civic Education, the media make an indispensable contribution to the functioning of democracy, fulfilling informational, opinion-forming, and monitoring functions (BpB, 2016). These three essential functions are particularly evident in crime reporting, where the media inform the public, exercise oversight over the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of power, and provide the foundation for opinion formation. Niklas Luhmann argued that mass media, particularly through reporting on norm violations, generate a sense of shared concern and indignation”(2017, pp. 44-45). He explained that instances of norm violation are predominantly selected for coverage when they can be linked to moral evaluations—when they offer a reason for either respect or disapproval of individuals. In this sense, the mass media play an important role in maintaining and reproducing moral standards (p. 46). Luhmann further stated that what people know about society, and indeed about the world they live in, is largely shaped by the mass media (p. 9).

As Beck (2020, p. 107) observed, this knowledge transfer is not limited to information but also includes the communication of role models, guiding values, and ideals. The media should therefore provide social orientation, advice, and assistance in coping with societal challenges (p. 108). The media’s responsibility in covering sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography is thus considerable. Following the principle of thematic universality, daily newspapers in particular should devote attention to this growing problem and explore it from multiple perspectives to fulfil their societal functions. A critical reflection on whether and how this is accomplished is valuable both from the perspective of audiences and from that of media professionals.

1.2 State of Research

To the author’s knowledge (as of June2023), no recent analysis exists examining the reporting on sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography in German daily newspapers between 2018 and2022. Even before 2018, this field had received little academic attention. One of the most comprehensive studies in this area is Bertram Scheufele’s Sexueller Missbrauch - Mediendarstellung und Medienwirkung (2005), which analysed the mass media construction ofthe problem and its impact on audiences. Positioned between reception research and systems theory, the study employed a combination of methods, including content analysis, population surveys, and a quasi-experiment (p. 10). In the latter, Scheufele manipulated features within newspaper articles to explore readers’ perceptions in greater depth (pp. 141-144). Regarding the media’s agenda-setting and informational functions, Scheufele concluded that newspapers “eported repeatedly, but at a modest level (p. 163). The reporting tended to focus primarily on severe individual cases, while causes and consequences of abuse were rarely addressed. Punitive measures for offenders were consistently foregrounded (p. 166). In relation to the media’s articulatory, opinion-shaping, and watchdog roles, Scheufele argued that diverse viewpoints should be represented to enable critical reflection on the issue. However, he found that the media failed to meet this standard (p. 214).

In the years following Scheufele’s publication, several researchers further examined how sexual abuse of children was represented in the media. Döring (2018), for instance, investigated how the topic of child sexual abuse is discussed on YouTube, applying both the agenda-setting⁴ and framing⁵ approaches. She concluded that substantial research gaps still exist concerning the media representation of child sexual abuse (p. 333). In Medienberichterstattung über sexuellen Kindesmissbrauch: Ein Modell themenspezifischer Qualitätskriterien, Döring andWalter developed a framework for qualitative analysis of such reporting. The study forms part of the research project Qualität der medialen Berichterstattung über sexuellen Kindesmissbrauch: Beurteilungskriterien für Forschung und Praxis, funded by the Independent Commissioner for Child Sexual Abuse Issues. The authors endorsed DenisMcQuail’s (1992) view that, according to the public-interest model of normative media theory, the work of the media should extend beyond self-interest (e.g. economic success) and fulfil their responsibility to society (Döring&Walter, 2020, p. 4). Baugut and Neumann (2020) examined media reporting on sexual abuse of children in relation to journalistic responsibility ethics. Drawing on the model of reciprocal effects⁶, a concept rooted in media and communication psychology, they analysed how media representations influence victims, perpetrators, and relatives (p. 363). In Ikonografien des sexuellen Kindesmissbrauchs (2021), Döring andWalter investigated the visual representations used in media reports, again employing the framing approach as their conceptual foundation (p. 366).

The present study builds on Scheufele’s work, analysing the state of reporting on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography twenty years after his investigation. It also incorporates the quality criteria proposed by Döring and Walter. The aim of this research is to narrow existing gaps regarding recent coverage of sexual abuse of minors and child pornography and to generate further questions for future inquiry.

1.3 Research Question and Aim oft he Study

Sexualised violence against children is a highly relevant social issue. The aim ofthis study is therefore to determine whether, and in what way, the increasing prevalence of this problem—particularly in the context of other major crises—was reflected in the reporting of German daily newspapers. To achieve this, a quantitative content analysis will be conducted on a sample of newspaper articles from various German dailies. This will be complemented by unstructured expert interviews designed to gather additional insights into the quality of reporting on this sensitive topic. The analysis is grounded in several theoretical approaches:

• Mass media cannot tell people what to think, but they can tell them what to think about (Cohen, 1963, p. 13). Based on this premise, McCombs and Shaw (1972) first examined whether the ranking of issues in the media agenda influences the ranking of issues among audiences. They found a strong correlation between the media and public agendas (p. 184) and thus established the agenda-setting theory. According to this approach, the frequency with which a topic is covered influences how important audiences perceive it to be (Maurer, 2022,p. 190).
• According to the framing approach, the way an issue is framed plays a decisive role in how new information is interpreted and processed. Frames define problems, diagnose causes, make moral evaluations, and propose remedies (Entman, 1993,p. 52). As Entman states, “texts can make bits of information more salient by placement or repetition, or by associating them with culturally familiar symbols” (p. 53). Thus, the emphasis placed on certain perspectives or aspects of a topic becomes particularly significant.
• The news value theory, understood as a theory of selection, focuses on the criteria journalists apply when choosing which topics to report on. In his two-component model, Kepplinger (2011a, p. 62) argues that a change in the frequency of events affects the frequency of reporting—but only if journalists’ selection criteria remain constant. If these criteria change, the frequency of reporting no longer reflects the actual frequency of events.
• According to the public-interest model of normative media theory, the media should transcend their own interests and fulfil their responsibility towards society (McQuail, 1992). Doring and Walter’s extension of this model regards the thematic framing of social problems as an important quality criterion, as well as the inclusion of prevention, intervention, and ethical treatment ofvictims in interviews.

The central research question ofthis study is therefore as follows:

How did the increase in reported cases of sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography between 2018and2022—against the backdrop ofthe pandemic and the war—affect the quantity and quality ofreporting on these issues in German daily newspapers?

The following sub-questions are examined to address the central research question:

a. How frequently did German daily newspapers report on sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography, and was the increase in case numbers reflected in a corresponding rise in published articles?

Hypothesis H1: If the frequency of incidents increases, the number of related articles will also increase.

b. How were articles weighted in terms oflength and placement, and were there any observable changes overtime?

Hypothesis H2: Ifthe frequency of incidents increases, the prominence of related articles— measured by their length and placement—will likewise increase.

c. How often were particular individuals orthematic areas placed at the centre ofreporting, and did these focal points change overtime?

Hypothesis H3: Ifthe frequency of incidents increases, the diversity ofthemes and central figures featured in related articles will also increase.

d. Did the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine lead to a decline in the frequency, length, orprominence ofarticles aboutsexualabuse ofminors andchildporno- graphy?

Hypothesis H4: If the frequency of incidents increases while acute crises or severe societal problems occur simultaneously, the number of related articles will not increase.

e. How can the quality of reporting on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography be evaluated?

f. To what extent could the reporting on sexual abuse ofminors and child pornography be improved?

1.4 Methodolgy and Structure oft he Thesis

The methodological approach of this study combines quantitative and qualitative research elements. A quantitative content analysis is conducted to examine the scope, frequency, and focus of reporting on sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography in German daily newspapers between 2018and2022. The analysis identifies patterns, trends, and thematic priorities within the chosen sample of articles.

To complement these findings, qualitative expert interviews are carried out. These interviews provide deeper insights into journalistic practices, ethical challenges, and potential areas for improvement in the reporting of such sensitive topics.

The thesis is structured as follows: after defining the research question and theoretical framework, the methodological design and data collection procedures are described in detail. The results ofthe content analysis and interviews are then presented and interpreted. Finally, the study concludes with a discussion, summarising key findings and outlining implications for future research and journalistic practice.

For this study, the sequential mixed methods design proposed by John W. Creswell (2009, p. 28) was selected. First, a quantitative content analysis will be conducted on a representative sample of articles from German daily newspapers. The findings from this phase will then be complemented by unstructured expert interviews, which will be examined using qualitative content analysis. The results of both methods are intended to interlock and complement each other, thereby providing comprehensive answers to the central research question and its sub-questions.

The structure ofthe thesis is as follows: Chapterl presents the research problem, current state of research, and the objectives and guiding questions of the study. Chapter2 discusses the current situation, providing definitions, relevant background information, and conceptual foundations. Chapters explains the methodological approach, beginning with the quantitative content analysis, followed by a description ofthe unstructured expert interviews and the qualitative content analysis. Chap- ter4 presents and interprets the research findings, followed by a discussion ofthe results and practical recommendations. Finally, Chapters offers conclusions and an outlook on future research opportunities.

2 Definitions Legal Context, and Theoretical Background

In this study, all data concerning cases of sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography are based exclusively on statistics collected by the Federal Criminal Police Office. Consequently, the definitions of sexual abuse of minors and child pornography used here follow those outlined in the German Criminal Code (Strafgesetzbuch, StGB). Data from youth welfare offices were not considered, as the definitions of child sexual abuse and sexual abuse of adolescents within social sciences tend to be broader and may also include acts that are not legally classified as crimes. Since media reporting primarily relies on police data and focuses on investigations, court proceedings, and sentencing in cases of sexual abuse of minors and child pornography, the terminology of the German Criminal Code is likewise relevantforthe present analysis.

2.1 Laws and Definitions

2.1.1 Sexual Abuse of Children under Criminal Law

Section 176 of the German Criminal Code (StGB), which—together with Sections 176a to 176d— came into force on 1 July2021, stipulates a minimum prison sentence of one year for individuals who:

1. engage in sexual acts with a person under the age of fourteen or cause such acts to be performed on themselves;
2. incite a child to commit sexual acts on a third person or to allow such acts to be performed by a third person; or
3. offer a child for the purposes of such acts or promise to procure one (§176(1) StGB).

This section establishes the legal definition of who is considered a child, under which conditions an act constitutes child sexual abuse, and the basic penalties applied. However, it does not provide a detailed explanation of what specifically constitutes sexual abuse. Paragraph2 ofthe same section notes that punishment may be waived if the act occurred with mutual consent and if both the age and level of maturity between the individuals involved are relatively similar—unless the offender exploited the child’s inability to give informed sexual consent (§ 176 (2)StGB).

Section 176a expands the definition, clarifying that physical contact is not required for a criminal offence to occur. It is sufficient if sexual acts are performed in front of a child, or the child is encouraged to perform them, is offered for such purposes, or is exposed to pornographic material or language. Even the attempt or arrangement of such acts is punishable. Section 176b then defines the penalties for preparatory actions.

Section 176c specifies the conditions under which an act qualifies as severe sexual abuse of children, which is legally categorised not as a misdemeanour but as a felony^{7 8}. This includes cases where the offender has prior convictions for similar offences, is at least eighteen years old, and either commits or participates in sexual acts involving penetration against or with a child. A case is also considered severe if the child faces a serious risk of physical or psychological harm. Where the abuse results in severe injury or endangers the child’s life, a minimum sentence of five years’ imprisonment is imposed.

Section 176dStGB establishes penalties for cases in which the abuse results in the death of the victim, with prison sentences starting at ten years and extending up to life imprisonment. Additionally, Section 176e StGB, which came into effect on 22 September2021, determines the penalties for distributing or possessing instructions related to the commission of sexual abuse of children.

Under German law (§ 12StGB), felonies are unlawful acts carrying a minimum prison sentence of one year or more, while misdemeanours are punishable by shorter terms of imprisonment or monetary fines.

2.1.2 Sexual Abuse ofAdolescents under Criminal Law

With regard to adolescents, the legislator assumes that young people should and are allowed to develop and explore their sexuality. Whether an act is punishable depends on whether there was a relationship of guardianship or authority (Obhutsverhaltnis) between the persons involved, or whether the adolescents “acted truly voluntarily and of their own free will” (UBSKM, 2023b).

According to Section 1 (2) of the Juvenile Court Act (Jugendgerichtsgesetz, JGG), an adolescent is defined as a person who is at least 14 but not yet18years old. Section 182 of the Criminal Code (Strafgesetzbuch, StGB), which came into force on 27 January2015, determines when an act constitutes sexual abuse of adolescents (sexueller Missbrauch von Jugendlichen, SMJ). It applies when a person exploits a coercive situation to engage in or cause sexual acts to be performed with someone under18, or induces them to perform sexual acts on themselves oron a third person. This also includes situations involving payment or other compensation and is punishable by a prison sentence of up to five years or a monetary fine.

Section182(3)StGB defines the penalty range for cases where individuals over21 engage in, cause, or incite sexual acts with persons under16. Prosecution occurs only upon request unless a special public interest exists. Attempts to commit such acts are also punishable. However, under Section 182 (6)StGB, courts may waive punishment if, taking into account the behaviour ofthe person concerned, the degree ofwrongdoing is considered minor.

2.1.3 Child Pornography under Criminal Law

On 1 January2021, Section 184 of the German Criminal Code (Strafgesetzbuch, StGB) came into force, governing the distribution of pornographic material in general. Paragraph 1 prohibits the provision or making accessible of such material to persons under 18 years of age. Beyond that, the law criminalises the dissemination of pornography both domestically and abroad, whether through commercial exchange, public display, mail distribution, or private sharing.

Section 184bStGB, which took effect on 1 July2021, specifically addresses child pornography. It defines when particular materials are to be regarded as child pornographic in nature—namely, when their content depicts any of the following:

a. sexual acts committed by, with, or in front of a person under the age of fourteen (a child);
b. the depiction of a partially or fully undressed child in a sexually suggestive or provocative pose; or
c. the sexually explicit portrayal of a child’s naked genitals or buttocks (§ 184b (1) StGB).

The offence covers the possession, distribution, production, supply, storage, and making accessible of child pornographic material, carrying penalties ranging from one to ten years’ imprisonment. Paragraph 2 extends criminal liability to acts committed on a commercial or organised-group basis, while paragraph4 criminalises attempts to commit such acts. Paragraphs5 and6 provide certain exemptions, for example in cases where individuals possess such material under lawful state authority, such as for law enforcement or research purposes.

2.1.4 Act to Combat Sexualised Violence Against Children

As outlined in the preceding sections, several legal provisions related to sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography only came into effect on 21 July2021. This was the result of the Act to Combat Sexualised Violence Against Children (Gesetz zur Bekämpfung sexualisierter Gewalt gegen Kinder), passed by the German Bundestag on 25March2021 and implemented in July 2021. The act serves as an amendment to the Criminal Code, significantly strengthening penalties for offences involving sexualised violence against children.

Since the introduction of this legislation, Section 176StGB has classified child sexual abuse as a felony, punishable by imprisonment from one to fifteen years. In addition, the distribution, possession, and acquisition of child pornographic material have likewise been reclassified as felonies. The age threshold for the offence of sexual abuse of persons under protection has been raised to eighteen years, with the provision now also covering sexual acts involving third parties. Furthermore, the production, sale, purchase, and possession of child-like sex dolls have been criminalised under Section 184l StGB, carrying penalties of fines or imprisonment. A particularly significant amendment concerns the statute of limitations for these offences: since the reform, the limitation period does not begin until the victim reaches the age of thirty (BMJ, 2021).

2.2 Current Situation

2.2.1 Police-recorded cases between 2018 and 2022

According to statistics from the Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA), the number of police-recorded cases of sexual abuse of children in Germany has been rising continuously since 2017 (BKA, 2023a). Between 2017 and 2021, the number of reported abuse cases increased by around 4,000, before declining slightly in 2022 (BKA, 2023a). Particularly striking is the sharp rise in offences involving the distribution, acquisition, possession, and production of child pornographic material (BKA, 2023b). In 2021, the number of police-recorded child pornography cases more than doubled compared to the previous year, and the upward trend continued into 2022 (BKA, 2023b). In addition to the BKA figures, international data also indicate a rise in the online sexual exploitation of children. Independent Commissioner for Child Sexual Abuse, Kerstin Claus, has described Europe as having become a hub for the dissemination of abuse images, stressing that the dark figure is enormous and that estimates suggest one to two pupils per school class in Germany are affected by sexual violence in various areas of life (UBSKM, 2022b). Children and adolescents do not only appear as victims, however. Since 2018, the number of minors acquiring, possessing, or producing abuse images is reported to have increased more than tenfold (UBSKM, 2022b). When interpreting the police statistics, Claus attributed the marked rise of more than 108 per cent in child pornography cases primarily to a significant intensification of law-enforcement efforts in this area (UBSKM, 2022b). The President of the Federal Criminal Police Office, Holger Münch, likewise pointed to closer international cooperation between investigative authorities, noting that about 85 per cent of all reports of abuse material originate in the United States, where internet service providers are legally obliged to notify the authorities (Bundesregierung, 2022).

With regard to sexual abuse of adolescents, only statistics on the offence of sexual abuse of persons under protection were available, which is likely due to the specific legal wording of the provisions on sexual abuse of adolescents (see Chapter 2.1.2) (BKA, 2023c). After a decline in recorded cases in 2019 (547 cases), the numbers began to rise again from 2020 onwards. In 2022, the police registered 726 cases of sexual abuse of persons under protection (BKA, 2023c).

2.2.2 Chronology of Major Media-Relevant Abuse Cases

When investigations into larger or particularly severe abuse cases become public, they often trigger national "waves of reporting". Media outlets typically cover such events from the initial investigation through to sentencing and subsequent processing. Verdicts and the severity of penalties, in particular, generate significant public interest—as Scheufele already observed (2005, p. 166). In the analysis of articles from German daily newspapers, local abuse complexes could notably influence the results. For this reason, a brief overview of key abuse cases and particularly grave incidents from 2018 to 2022 inclusive is provided below.

2018, Staufen, Baden-Württemberg: A case in Staufen caused nationwide outrage: a mother and her partner had abused a boy over several years and offered him to other perpetrators for money. A girl is also believed to have been a victim (Hunfeld, 2018). Legal proceedings began in 2018 and resulted in prison sentences that were later appealed (Spiegel, 2020). The "Staufen" case remained in the media spotlight until the end of 2020.

2018, Lüdge, North Rhine-Westphalia: In December 2018, a man was arrested who, together with another long-term camper at a campsite in Lüdge, had abused children on numerous occasions. Media coverage of this case continues as of June 2023, amid allegations that youth welfare workers and police "negligently mishandled" the matter (Spiegel, 2022a).

2019, Bergisch Gladbach, North Rhine-Westphalia: Investigations began in October 2019. Investigators identified 439 suspects and rescued 65 children, as reported by Der Spiegel in January 2022. Twenty-seven suspects were arrested, and courts imposed prison sentences totalling more than 80 years in 13 cases (Spiegel, 2022b).

2020, Münster, North Rhine-Westphalia: In June 2020, the Münster public prosecutor's office announced investigations against a man and 51 accomplices for sexual abuse of children. The main suspect was sentenced to 14 years in prison in July 2021 for 29 counts. Four other defendants received terms ranging from five to twelve years (Phoenix, 2021).

2021, Wermelskirchen, North Rhine-Westphalia: At the end of 2021, a 45-year-old man from Wermelskirchen was arrested and, in February 2023, sentenced to 14.5 years for sexual violence against 13 children. The case's exposure led to numerous additional investigations (Spiegel, 2023).

2.2.3 Church Abuse Studies, 2018-2022

The publication of church abuse studies also generated regional and national waves of reporting. In September 2018, the so-called MHG Study was released, examining sexual abuse of minors by clergy within the German Bishops' Conference (DBK, 2018). This prompted a series of abuse reports from German dioceses. Table 1 lists the abuse studies published between 2018 and 2022.

Table 1: Church abuse studies published 2018-2022.

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

The collection is limited to the federal states of Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria, and North Rhine-Westphalia, as the subsequent analysis focuses on articles from regional daily newspapers in precisely these states. To the author's knowledge, no abuse study was published in Saxony during the period in question.

2.3 Theoretical Framework

2.3.1 Agenda-Setting-Theory

The construction of social problems in mass media is closely examined within media effects research, particularly in agenda-setting studies. As noted in Chapter 1.3, McCombs and Shaw established that the public agenda is strongly influenced by the media agenda, meaning that the media determine whether a societal issue is perceived as such by audiences. The repeated portrayal of a topic—alongside individual recipients' personal needs—plays a decisive role in this process (2005, p. 159). Following their seminal study, McCombs and Shaw introduced the Awareness, Salience, and Priorities models (Table 2). The Awareness model posits that reporting draws recipients' attention to an issue. The Salience model assumes that a topic appears more important to audiences when covered more frequently by the media. The Priorities model, in turn, suggests that the media's ranking of issues (media agenda) is precisely mirrored in the public's ranking (public agenda) (Maurer, 2022, p. 191). Since McCombs and Shaw's original study, agenda-setting theory has evolved considerably and been expanded with numerous models. To detect agenda-setting effects, researchers analyse the media agenda through content analysis and the public agenda through surveys (Gleich, 2019, p. 127).

Table 2: Agenda-Setting-Models.

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

In this study, the frequency of articles on sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography, as well as their ranking within the media agenda, will be examined against the backdrop of agenda-setting theory (sub-questions a and b ofthe research question).

2.3.2 Framing-Theory

To define a problem requires a frame of reference. In media effects research, framing can be understood as the backdrop against which a "story" unfolds. In the context of sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography, for instance, coverage of the Lüdge campsite abuse case represents one possible frame among several. Reporting on the court proceedings concerning all offences committed by the two men employs a different frame altogether. Political scientist Robert M. Entman defines framing as the selection of certain aspects of perceived reality and their elevation to prominence in media contributions. He identifies four key frame elements: problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and treatment recommendation (1993, p. 52).

According to Entman, frames render specific facets of a topic more noticeable through emphasis. Frames themselves are pre-existing cultural schemata shared by both audiences and journalists (p. 53). However, a rigid focus on particular frames can create blind spots, rendering alternative perspectives or subtopics of a central issue less visible (Entman, 1993, p. 54). The framing approach is also well-suited to examining stereotypes (Scheufele, 2022, p. 123). Researchers frequently employ content analyses to assess the prevalence ofthese fourframing elements in texts.

Table 3 illustrates them with examples relevant to the topic under investigation.

Table 3: Framing Elements

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

The author of this study examines, based on the framing approach, how frequently articles on sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography focus on specific individuals and thematic areas (sub-question c ofthe research question).

2.3.3 News Value Theory

When does an event become news? In Public Opinion, Walter Lippmann argued that news does not mirror reality but results from journalists' selection decisions. He was the first to identify specific news factors such as sensation, relevance, proximity, and utility, which assign news value to particular events (1922, pp. 338-358). Building on Lippmann's work, the news value theory evolved further, with news factors being refined and expanded in several stages—including by Winfried Schulz. According to Schulz, alongside news factors, journalistic selection criteria play a decisive role in news selection (Kepplinger, 2011a, p. 61).

Kepplinger developed the two-component model of news value theory from this approach. It posits that reporting on events increases when the number of events rises and selection criteria remain constant (Table 4). If event frequency stays the same but reporting increases, the events appear more newsworthy—meaning the selection criteria have changed. Conclusions about actual events can therefore only be drawn from reporting if selection criteria remain unchanged (p. 62).

Table 4: Two-Componenten-ModelofNews Value Theory.

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

Various research designs have been applied to news value theory, including content analyses to identify news factors. Kepplinger (2011b, p. 78), however, emphasises that no empirically robust analyses of reporting have been conducted to date, leaving the theory's predictive power and practical value unknown.

Against this theoretical backdrop, the present study examines whether an increase in sexual abuse of minors and child pornography case numbers—or the severity and significance of particular cases—affected the frequency of reporting (sub-questions a and b). It also investigates whether selection criteria changed during the COVID-19 pandemic and Ukraine war, thereby influencing coverage of SACA and CP (sub-question d).

2.3.4 Normative Media Theory

In the research project Qualität der medialen Berichterstattung über sexuellen Kindesmissbrauch: Beurteilungskriterien für Forschung und Praxis, funded by the Independent Commissioner for Child Sexual Abuse Issues, Döring and Walter (2020) explored—drawing on normative media theory and McQuail's public-interest model—what journalists should consider when reporting on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography. Given that media should fulfil their societal responsibilities (McQuail, 1992), the authors base their quality criteria on Jungnickel's seven dimensions (2011, p. 361) (Table 5). They regard thematic framing as a general societal problem as a key criterion, alongside non-sensationalist reporting, appropriate terminology, and inclusion of affected groups. Non-stereotypical coverage, integration of prevention and intervention, ethical treatment of victims in interviews, and legally compliant reporting should also be considered, as should balancing of interests and transparent source disclosure (2020, pp. 9-12).

Table 5: Public-Interest-Model and quality criteria.

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation based on Döring & Walter, 2020, p. 13.

The author examines, based on the public-interest model, how the quality of reporting on sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography should be evaluated and which aspects could contribute to improving it (sub-questions e and fofthe research question).

3 Overall Design of the Study

This study employs John W. Creswell's mixed methods design, combining qualitative and quantitative instruments to generate insights greater than either approach could achieve alone (2009, p. 4). Creswell's framework rests on a pragmatic worldview, allowing researchers to select any technique, procedure, or method that advances the solution to their research problem. This enables focus on what and howto investigate, yielding optimal results (pp. 10-11). Sequential mixed methods involves supplementing findings from one method with those from a second. A theory might first be tested quantitatively, then explored further qualitatively (p. 14). Given the research gap concerning recent SACA and CP coverage, this design proves ideal: quantitative analysis provides breadth, while subsequent qualitative research delves deeper and generates new questions. To address the quantitative sub-questions (a-d), the author selected quantitative content analysis of newspaper articles. For the qualitative sub-questions (e-f), unstructured expert interviews will be conducted, subjected to qualitative content analysis following Mayring.

3.1 Quantitative Media Content Analysis

Quantitative content analysis is widely used in journalism and violence research to examine large volumes of media for specific characteristics, particularly when analysing mass media. As Berelson defined it, „Content Analysis is a research technique for the objective, systematic, and quantitative description of the manifest content of communication” (1952, p. 18). Lamnek and Krell emphasise that quantitative content analysis must be intersubjective and replicable (2016, p. 465). Researchers predetermine units, dimensions, and categories theoretically, unlike in qualitative analysis (p. 467). Früh stresses that the research question determines selection criteria: "Not all, but only those communication contents relevant to the specific problem should be captured from individual texts" (2017, p. 67). Characteristics are then quantified (p. 31), with the data model tailored to the research question (p. 32). Content analysis prescribes an explicit (i.e. objective, traceable, and systematic) interpretation framework (p. 60). Ultimately, findings describe structural features rather than individual texts (p. 67). The author chose this method for its capacity to process large text volumes reliably and replicably, independent of persons or timing. She employs simple frequency analysis, counting formal or substantive elements as indicators (Lamnek & Krell, 2016, p. 474). The procedure entails: (1) defining the object of investigation as the population within a specific timeframe; (2) drawing a sample; (3) developing a category system; (4) collecting and electronically storing data (pp. 468470); and (5) cleaning and evaluating the data. Figure 1 illustrates the process applied in this study.

Figure 1: Process ofquantitative content analysis.

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

The following chapters detail the implementation of each step.

3.1.1 Objectsoflnvestigation

When selecting the objects of investigation, the author initially oriented herself towards a preliminary version of the research question. This version aimed to analyse articles from Germany's most widely read online news portals on the topics of sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography. The initially targeted outlets were FOCUS Online, BILD, DER SPIEGEL, Süddeutschere, and FAZ.NET (Agof, 2023). During preparations for data collection, however, it became apparent that—contrary to the author's assumption—the archives of these online portals were exclusively paywalled and partially or entirely inaccessible to her. In search of a more time- and cost-efficient research source, the author discovered the wiso database[8] for higher education institutions . This online platform provides students with free access to digitised print articles from numerous German newspapers, making print media viable as objects of investigation. The author had previously assumed that print archives would be extremely difficult to access. Yet, precisely because of their principle of universality, daily newspapers prove particularly suitable for studying sexual abuse of minors and child pornography coverage. They cover not only national court cases and abuse scandals but also a broad spectrum of regional events pertinent to their circulation area. The highest-circulation dailies in each German federal state reach readers across all social strata. Consequently, the quantity and quality of articles on specific topics exert considerable influence on public perception. The author therefore decided to examine articles from German daily newspapers on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography, which necessitated refocusing the research question on these objects.

3.1.2 Investigation Period

The investigation period was initially set from 2020 to 2022. This reflected the author's concern that newspaper archives would be difficult to access and that a larger number of objects would entail higher costs. Following the decision to use the wiso database and a successful pilot data collection test, the research parameters changed fundamentally. The author subsequently expanded the period to 1 January 2018 through 31 December 2022. This highly current five-year span encompasses both the outbreak and abatement of the COVID-19 pandemic, the onset of the Ukraine war, and the pre-crisis period. It thereby enables comparison of data before and during these crises, facilitating answers to sub-questions a through d.

3.1.3 Sample

As a representative sample ofthe population "German daily newspapers", three dailies were initially selected. After the aforementioned pilot test—which yielded relatively few articles from the Passauer Neue Presse (PNP)—the author expanded the sample by one newspaper. This enhanced representativeness, covered more federal states, and provided a firmer basis for assessing the influence of regional events. The final representative sample for the population "articles from German daily newspapers on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography" comprised articles from:

• Freie Presse (FP), Saxony
• PassauerNeue Presse (PNP), Bavaria
• Rheinische Post (RP), North Rhine-Westphalia

.—— „

[8] Wiso, provided by GBI-Genios for universities, offers extensive academic and research-related content, encompassing premium reference databases alongside complete texts from curated specialist journals and eBooks (WISO, 2023).

• Schwäbische Zeitung (SchZ), Baden-Württemberg

Selection criteria for the dailies were:

a. Each newspaper reports from a different German federal state;
b. Each belongs to a different publishing group;
c. Each represents its respective federal state;
d. The selected newspapers have comparable circulation figures;
e. Articles from each newspaper are available in the wiso database for the entire investigation period.

3.1.4 CategoriesandCodebooks

To determine how frequently the selected newspapers covered sexual abuse of children and adolescents and child pornography, their article length, and their positioning, the author chose four keywords for searching the wiso database: "Kindesmissbrauch" and "sexueller Missbrauch" for sexual abuse of minors; "Kinderpornografie" and "Kinderporno" for child pornography. Articles filtered by these terms were then categorised to address sub-questions a-d using Codebook 1 (Appendix 1). This established categories for source newspaper, publication year, keyword used, keyword position in the article, article length, and publication page.

Four dimensions were assigned per category, except for "length" and "page" (12 dimensions each for precise measurement of scope and prominence). Due to the later expansion of the investigation period, two additional codes were added for "date": D-1 (2018) and DO (2019). Additional terms like "Missbrauchsdarstellungen" or "sexueller Missbrauch von Jugendlichen" could have been included but were deliberately excluded. The four keywords already produced many duplicates, overlaps, and irrelevant results. Limiting to these main terms minimised errors and enabled clearer differentiation between sexual abuse of minors and child pornography findings.

To address sub-question c concerning central figures and themes, Codebook 1 incorporated two further categories: "Main person" (dimensions: perpetrator, victim, investigators, relatives, politicians, religious representatives, experts; or "none/other") and "Theme" (dimensions: offence, investigations, court proceedings, sentencing, prevention & processing, political measures, statistics & studies; or "other"). For sub-question d, Codebook 2 (Appendix 2) was developed to examine crisis coverage quantitatively. Keywords for the COVID-19 pandemic were "Covid", "Corona", "Virus", and "Pandemie"; for the Ukraine war: "Krieg", "Ukraine", "Putin", and "Russland". Again, a minimal keyword set avoided errors and ensured precise results.

All articles from the selected newspapers available in the wiso database during the investigation period were searched for these keywords. Annual keyword search results were then compared to each newspaper's total article output.

3.1.5 DataCollection

A pilot test using Codebook 1 (Appendix 1) proceeded swiftly and without issues, justifying the study's expansion. Main data collection was successful but time-intensive. Duplicates, regional variants, off-topic articles, advertisements, and notices were excluded during coding. Data were compiled in separate Excel sheets per newspaper. Categorising articles by "main person" and "theme" required hermeneutic interpretation. Full quantitative analysis of individual articles would have exceeded this thesis's scope given the volume. Reports often used synonyms, proper names, orjob titles, complicating classification. The author strove for objectivity and intersubjective traceability, identifying assignment features primarily in headlines and leads, where the five W-questions are typically answered.

For Codebook 2 crisis analysis, sexual abuse of minors and child pornography keywords were researched. All results were counted without filtering, as sorting millions of hits was infeasible. Thus, totals from the four abuse keywords differfrom Codebook 1 findings.

3.1.6 Data Cleaning, Preparation, and Storage

The results obtained using Codebook 1 were first cleaned: duplicate entries were removed and errors corrected. Due to the large volume of results generated with Codebook 2, no cleaning could be carried out in that case. The data were stored in a separate table within one Excel sheet per newspaper, with additional worksheets created for each year ofthe study period. On these yearly sheets, the results were organised by category and date and then transferred into a further table, where the annual totals of each category and dimension per newspaper were compiled and visualised using bar charts. On another worksheet, the data collected with Codebook 2 were added, ordered, and likewise represented in diagrams⁹.

3.1.7 Analysis

As already noted, the data analysis relied primarily on bar charts, which clearly display the frequency of specific characteristics over the investigation period and allow comparisons between years. This proved particularly useful for juxtaposing article frequency with case numbers of sexual abuse of minors and child pornography. In most instances, one chart was created per category to illustrate how many articles exhibited the respective feature over time.

3.2 Unstructured Expert Interviews

To complement the preceding quantitative content analysis, the author conducted unstructured interviews with experts in order to address the qualitative sub-questions e and f and to obtain additional insights. Although surveys of the general population or of victims of sexual abuse of minors might also have been considered, the author consciously rejected this option. The primary reasons were the desire for a professional and, as far as possible, objective assessment on the part of respondents, and ethical concerns. Victims—and perpetrators—are personally and deeply affected by the subject, making an objective evaluation of sexual abuse of minors and child pornography coverage unlikely. Out of respect for potential psychological strain arising from participation, the author also chose not to interview victims.

To obtain reliable and professionally grounded information, the author instead opted for expert interviews, which, given the limited state of research in this field, were conducted in an open, unstructured format. Qualitative interviews are particularly suitable for exploration and foundational research, as they can provide a broad empirical basis and generate new research questions.

In planning, conducting, and analysing the interviews, the author followed Kaiser’s quality criteria for qualitative expert interviews: intersubjective traceability of procedures, data collection, and data analysis, a theory-driven approach, and neutrality, combined with the interviewer’s openness to new insights and interpretive patterns (2014, p. 9). The unstructured interview format—also referred to as an exploratory interview—prioritises openness and flexibility, allowing the interviewer to respond to new information with follow-up questions and to pursue more extensive lines of inquiry as they arise. According to Kaiser, exploratory interviews are particularly suited to problem areas “forwhich no established theoretical assumptions or robust empirical data are yet available” (p. 29).

Kaiser describes several steps for carrying out such interviews (2014, p. 12), which are presented in slightly modified form in Figure 2.

Source: Own representation.

First, an interview guideline is developed, followed by the selection and contacting of experts, after which the interviews are conducted. The results are then documented through protocols or transcription and coded. Once all steps have been completed, the core statements from the interviews can be identified, summarised, and evaluated.

3.2.1 Guideline

According to Kaiser, structured interview guidelines make no sense when conducting unstructured interviews, as they presuppose a theoretically derived question context (p. 29). Nevertheless, the author decided to use a loose guideline intended primarily as a memory aid during conversations. It contains four core questions around which discussions should naturally revolve (Appendix 5):

• How do experts evaluate reporting on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography?
• Are particular perspectives or thematic areas missing?
• What positive and negative aspects do they identify?
• What wishes or improvements do they express regarding sexual abuse of minors and child pornography coverage?

The guideline was prepared for situations where conversations might stall—it was not designed as a rigid sequence. If an interviewee could not answer a question because they wished to discuss other topics or focus on a new issue, their flow of speech was not interrupted. The author sought to create a relaxed and natural conversational atmosphere that would open doors to new information.

3.2.2 Expert Selection

According to Kaiser, experts in exploratory interviews need not be selected systematically (p. 29). Glaser and Laudel emphasise that availability, possession of crucial information, and the ability to articulate it precisely are decisive factors (2006, p. 113). In the field of sexual abuse of minors and child pornography, relatively few experts are available compared to other areas, and many face severe time constraints. Frequently, data protection, victim protection, or professional principles restrict what they may disclose.

Since the study's factual findings and varying definitions of sexual abuse of minors and child pornography are all based on the German Criminal Code and police sources, the author sought experts from the executive branch. Under §160(2) of the Code of Criminal Procedure, public prosecutors must investigate "not only incriminating but also exculpatory circumstances and ensure evidence collection" (§160(2) StPO). Precisely because prosecutors must examine both incriminating and exculpatory evidence regarding perpetrators, they can provide the most objective statements about offenders and victims.

The author therefore chose to interview public prosecutors with several years of specialised experience in child abuse or child pornography cases. Research led to a leading figure in Bavaria's specialist unit for cybercrime, child pornography, and sexual abuse of minors. Expert 1, a Senior Public Prosecutor, has led this unit since 2015, primarily handling major abuse complexes, child pornography networks, and particularly severe sexual abuse cases. His insight into extensive and complex investigations is virtually unique in Bavaria.

Expert 2 was identified at a regional higher regional court. This public prosecutor handles less extensive and severe cases than Expert 1. For about five years, she has worked at the forefront of sexual abuse cases, attending searches and interrogations of perpetrators and victims. Like Expert 1, she routinely evaluates sexual abuse of minors and child pornography evidence. During her interview, her supervising Senior Public Prosecutor (Expert 3) wished to participate and enriched the discussion with his views on crime reporting. With long-standing prosecutorial experience and as the court's press spokesman, he possesses extensive knowledge of media coverage of offences and felonies.

Recognising that prosecutors nonetheless have limited insight into the feelings and internal processes of victims, perpetrators, and relatives, the author sought additional experts in direct contact with these groups, speaking from a professional perspective grounded in years of practical experience. Expert 4 was located through a victim protection organisation, where she has worked for 30 years and manages two branches. She has had repeated contact with sexual abuse victims from infancy to retirement age. Through accompanying clients to court proceedings, she has also gained insights into perpetrators. Alongside extensive psychological training and further education, she has substantial experience with media reporting on victims' experiences and can report on its impact.

Expert 5, another woman selected as an expert, is co-founder of a victim initiative with extensive experience working with now-adult sexual abuse survivors. She primarily focuses on processing church abuse cases and delivering prevention programmes. Having been actively engaged in church work for three decades alongside a priest whom experts from the Munich-Freising diocese abuse study held responsible for sexually abusing nearly 30 boys, she has closely followed reporting since 2010. Together with her husband, she featured in several media reports on the abuse scandal in her parish and describes herself as a secondary victim.

For the perpetrator perspective, the author selected Expert 6, a psychiatry and psychotherapy specialist at a Bavarian correctional facility who treats sex offenders, authors psychiatric reports on perpetrators, and frequently serves as a court expert. As the final interviewee, he contributed insights into perpetrators' views on media coverage.

3.2.3 Conducting, Transcription, and Data Storage

Initial contact with the experts was made via email. The author introduced herself and the purpose of her study, briefly outlined its background, and requested a meeting of approximately 30 minutes. All experts except Expert 6 responded within 24 hours. Appointments were then arranged by telephone, during which legal matters were clarified and name anonymisation was discussed. A face- to-face meeting with Expert 2 was scheduled in the presence of Expert 3. The conversation with Expert 5 also took place in person; all others were conducted by telephone due to time and location constraints.

Expert 6 eventually replied to the first email and offered a date, but repeatedly postponed it and ultimately failed to attend the scheduled online meeting. Consequently, the interview with Expert 6 could not take place. All other interviews were successfully conducted, recorded using the author's smartphone dictation function, and subsequently transcribed. The author established and followed these transcription rules: word or sentence fragments and repetitions were smoothed, dialect was converted to standard German, and filler words were omitted. The documents were saved as Word files (Appendices 9-12).

3.2.4 Qualitative Content Analysis

Following the expert interviews and their documentation, Kaiser describes coding, reduction to core statements, and material evaluation as subsequent steps. For these, the author employed Mayring's qualitative content analysis. According to Mayring, content analysis constitutes the systematic recording of communication—a theory- and rule-guided procedure designed to "draw inferences about particular aspects of communication" (2022, p. 13). The objective is to reduce the material while preserving its essence and creating a manageable representation of the source material (p. 88). A category system serves as the central analytical instrument (p. 50). Figure 3 illustrates the process of qualitative content analysis according to Mayring (p. 61).

Figure 3: Process ofqualitative content analysis according to Mayring.

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

Defining the material was straightforward, as it consisted ofthe expert interview transcriptions. Analysis of the production context revealed that all telephone calls and conversations were conducted in a neutral yet friendly and relaxed manner, without interruptions or disturbances. Formally, all interviews followed a similar structure, lasting approximately 30 minutes and loosely oriented around the core questions of the interview guideline.

As the analysis technique, the author selected summarisation to represent the content of statements as unaltered as possible. Context units for the study comprised core statements from the experts, which could be either single sentences or entire paragraphs—depending on whether the statement's meaning was conveyed in one or several sentences. Immediately after transcription, deductive categories were formed, relating directly to this study's research questions and documented in Codebook 3 (Appendix 3).

During content analysis, selected context units containing core statements were compiled in a table and assigned to categories and dimensions (Appendix 4). These were then reduced and sorted (Appendix 13). The process aimed to identify both cross-individual commonalities and unique statements. Quality criteria were applied through re-analysis, confirming prior results. Only three statements required correction due to initial misassignment. The method's reliability is assured by its reproducibility and the expectation of similar results upon repetition. Validity is likewise established, as the approach successfully addressed sub-questions e and f while generating new research questions.

4 Results oft he Research

This chapter presents the findings from both the quantitative and qualitative analyses. Subchapters begin with an overview of each investigation component, followed by results addressing the research question's sub-questions.

4.1 Results oft he Quantitative Content Analysis

In the first part of the quantitative content analysis using Codebook 1, a total of 513 articles from Freie Presse (FP), Saxony, were examined. Additionally, 883 articles from Rheinische Post (RP), North Rhine-Westphalia; 273 articles from Passauer Neue Presse (PNP), Bavaria; and 687 articles from Schwäbische Zeitung (SchZ), Baden-Württemberg. The figures in Table 6 represent the cleaned number of articles retrieved from the wiso database search using all sexual abuse of minors and child pornography keywords.

Table 6: German daily newspapers analysed.

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

In the second part of the quantitative content analysis using Codebook 2, very large data volumes were generated (Table 7).

Table 7: Keyword search in wiso database.

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

These were not cleaned and include both copies of articles for various regional editions, as well as advertisements, letters to the editor, and event announcements. The figures illustrate how many "newspaper contents" were displayed when searching for keywords across the three categories. The "All Content" column shows the total number of available contents from the analyzed daily newspapers during the study period.

4.1.1 Results on Article Frequency

The analysis of article frequency regarding sexual abuse of minors and child pornography, after adding up the cleaned search results for the four keywords "Kindesmissbrauch" (child abuse), "sexueller Missbrauch" (sexual abuse), "Kinderpornografie" (child pornography) and "Kinderporno" (child porn) yielded the following results (Fig. 4):

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

For the Freie Presse (FP) and Passauer Neue Presse (PNP), a continuous increase in article numbers is evident up to 2020, followed by a decline. While FP returns to baseline levels in 2022, PNP articles surge rapidly that year. The Rheinische Post (RP) shows a sharp spike in 2019, stabilizing thereafter between 150 and 200 articles per year. The Schwäbische Zeitung (SchZ) exhibits a slight rise in 2019, then drops below 2018 baseline levels.

Figure 5 contrasts article volumes on child abuse (keywords "Kindesmissbrauch" and "sexueller Missbrauch") versus child pornography ("Kinderpornografie," "Kinderporno"). The chart reveals an even more nuanced picture: FP peaks on sexual abuse of minors in 2020 but on child pornography only in 2021.

Source: Own representation.

Figure 5 further illustrates that both Rheinische Post (RP) articles on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography peaked in frequency in 2019. For Passauer Neue Presse (PNP), both article counts rose in 2022, while Schwäbische Zeitung (SchZ) shows similar trends in both curves.

Figrue 7: Articles on child pornography.

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Figures 6 and 7 display the total article counts across all analyzed newspapers for child abuse (Fig. 6) and child pornography (Fig. 7). Both child abuse and child pornography articles surged sharply in 2019. Child pornography article frequency remained stable at similar levels in subsequent years, while child abuse articles declined but did not return to 2018 baseline.

4.1.2 Results on Article Length and Position

Articles on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography were categorized by the page on which they appeared in each newspaper, using all four topic keywords. Most such articles were placed in the latter sections. For Freie Presse (FP), the bulk appeared from page 8 onward. Front-page prominence (first three pages) spiked for FP in 2020-2021, for Rheinische Post (RP) in 2019, and for Schwäbische Zeitung (SchZ) in 2018 (Appendix 6).

Regarding article length, FP published many short pieces (0-299 words) in 2020-2021. Passauer Neue Presse (PNP) showed no clear pattern except large volumes of longer articles (>500 words) in 2020 and 2022. RP again stood out with high 2019 volumes, followed by lengthening articles over time. SchZ followed a similar trend (Appendix 7). Figure 8 better illustrates the frequency distribution of article lengths across years.

Figure 8: Length ofall analysed articles during study period.

Source: Own representation.

Here (Fig. 8), the most frequent article length between 2018 and 2020 was 300-399 words. From 2020 onwards, articles of 100-199 words increased and became the most common length in 2021. Concurrently, the L4 length (400-499 words) gained frequency, becoming predominant in 2022.

Articles of 1,100+ words also saw a relatively strong rise over the years.

4.1.3 Results on Frequency of Main Persons

A ranking of different main persons in the reporting is shown in Table 8. It reveals strong similarities across all four daily newspapers. Perpetrators typically rank first, followed by experts and investigators. Celebrities and religious representatives precede politicians. During data collection, very few entries involved famous personalities, so church representatives dominate this dimension. Victims and relatives rank at the very bottom.

Table 8: Ranking ofmain persons in articles on the topic.

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

Figure 9 highlights the article counts for this analysis. The bars vividly illustrate how unevenly the article numbers are distributed across the various central persons.

Source: Own representations.

The analysis of frequency changes over the study period revealed that religious representatives were very prominently featured in reporting in 2018 (Appendix 8).

4.1.4 Results on Frequency of Specific Topic Areas

Figure 10 presents the findings on the frequency of specific topic areas:

TI = perpetration; T2 = investigations; T3 = court proceedings; T4 = sentencing;

T5 = prevention, processing; T6 = political measures; T7 = statistics, studies; T8 = other.

Source: Own representation.

The study results show that all analyzed daily newspapers except Freie Presse (FP) published a very high number of articles on prevention and processing (Fig. 10). For FP, investigations, court proceedings, and sentencing instead dominate the reporting.

The ranking of topics is presented in Table 9. It reveals that prevention and processing rank at the top—except for FP, where investigations and sentencing share first place. Investigations and sentencing also appear among the top ranks for the other newspapers.

Table 9: Ranking oftopics in articles on the topic.

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

Statistics and study results occupy varying ranks depending on the newspaper (Table 9), while political measures consistently appear to hold medium importance. All daily newspapers reported least on the crime itself.

Examining results over the study period is also revealing. Figure 11 shows the development of topic rankings across the investigated timeframe:

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

TI = perpetration; T2 = investigations; T3 = court proceedings; T4 = sentencing;

T5 = prevention, processing; T6 = political measures; T7 = statistics, studies; T8 = other.

Source: Own representation.

Figure 11 reveals that Passauer Neue Presse (PNP) consistently ranked prevention & processing first throughout the study period, though 2022 saw a major surge in coverage. In 2021, sentencing reports outnumbered those on prevention & processing. For Freie Presse (FP), 2022 marked a sharp drop in sentencing coverage alongside a rise in prevention & processing articles. Schwäbische Zeitung (SchZ) led with investigations in 2020, but prevention & processing dominated thereafter. Rheinische Post (RP) followed suit, with studies and statistics ranking third in 2019 but lower otherwise.

4.1.5 Crises and Reporting on Sexual Abuse and Child Pornography

Sub-question d (see Ch. 1.3) was addressed using Codebook 2. As shown in Table 7 (Ch. 4.1), this captured content volumes from wiso database keyword searches on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography, the Covid-19 pandemic, and Ukraine war. Data remained uncleaned, as noted.

Table 10 shows the ratio of these topic complexes to total content across all newspapers in the wiso database. It highlights how the Corona pandemic dominated from 2020, yet sexual abuse and child pornography keyword content rose in parallel.

Table 10: Search results on crises during study period.

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

The maximum content volume across the entire study period in each column is highlighted in blue. Sexual abuse of minors and child pornography topic content never exceeded 0.23% of total newspaper content. Corona-related keyword content comprised nearly 50% of reporting in 2020-2021, dropping to 25% in 2022. Ukraine war keyword content reached almost 15% relative to total content in 2022. Overall, total content volumes dropped sharply in 2020 and remained lower thereafter.

4.2 Results of Unstructured Expert Interviews

The qualitative content analysis of unstructured expert interviews used Codebook 3 (Appendices 3 and 4). Table 11 shows result counts for analyzed categories and dimensions. Negative aspects of sexual abuse and child pornography reporting outnumbered positives. Numerous wishes regarding reporting style were expressed, alongside broader improvement suggestions. Unknown background information was also obtained.

Table 11: Codebook 3 - Expert Interviews.

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

The following chapters summarise the findings from the content analysis of expert interviews.

4.2.1 Positive Aspects of Reporting on the Topic

Two female experts working in victim support highlighted that media coverage can have a positive effect on victims of sexual abuse. Expert 1 noted that media contributions related to uncovering institutional violence had lowered the threshold for reporting sexual abuse of children cases (Appendix 9). "The media are the only thing that can help those affected establish public sensitivity," said Expert 5 (Appendix 12). She stressed, however, that reports on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography can trigger shock, which in her view may mark the start of processing. Victims begin coping when they find an audience that believes them.

No positive aspects for perpetrators were identified by the experts.

In contrast, five general positive aspects of reporting were noted—again by the two victim support experts. Expert 1 praised media for contributing to uncovering sexual abuse of minors cases and noted significant progress over the past 30 years. "It's good that the topic is coming to the table" (Appendix 9). Expert 5 said reporting is vital because the entire population must confront these issues to contextualise them, "otherwise it just keeps going on." She herself had become aware of a perpetratorthrough sexual abuse of minors coverage (Appendix 12).

4.2.2 Negative Aspects of Reporting on the Topic

More statements addressed negative aspects of sexual abuse of minors and child pornography reporting, particularly its impact on victims. Expert 1 found it especially negative "when reporters encroach invasively on personal space." There are always "black sheep who report in a sensationalist, attention-seeking manner." She noted frustration for victims when perpetrators repeatedly justify themselves publicly. "I don't like seeing anything to do with victims in the newspaper," she said. When sexuality is involved, something always sticks to the victims. Based on her experience, victims do not want to retell their experiences repeatedly (Appendix 9). Expert 2 said cases were sometimes described too exhaustively, occasionally overly pointed, and sensationally (Appendix 10).

Regarding perpetrators, Expert 2 criticised media for insufficient differentiation among possessors of child pornography files. "Not all are paedophiles, and clearer distinctions should be made here." The senior public prosecutor pointed out that an accusation can be existentially destructive, warranting more restraint (Appendix 10). Expert 4 reported a case where a suspect's photo was published (Appendix11).

Generally, disseminating information on ongoing investigations is particularly problematic, per Expert 2. He cited a case with a misleading headline (Appendix 10). Expert 5 also emphasised the strongly negative impact of incorrect headlines (Appendix 12). Expert 4 stated: "Moreover, the media make no distinction between initial suspicion and strong suspicion ofan offence" (Appendix 11).

4.2.3 Wishes Regarding Reporting on the Topic

Expert 1 noted many editors write very neutrally. "I find that very pleasant," she emphasised (Appendix 9). Expert 5 also preferred clear, factual reporting: "There's no need to tug at the heartstrings or add that it's terrible." She added that factual reports help victims (Appendix 12). Only Expert 2 commented on volume and frequency, deeming them appropriate to the topic (Appendix 10).

The term"Opfer" (victim) was flagged twice for its negative impact on those affected. "It 'victimises' them," said Expert 1, who felt reporters needed more education on this. Expert 5 noted its use in legaljargon but preferred "those affected" (Appendix 12).

Expert 5 called for more prevention coverage (Appendix 12). Expert 1 agreed, urging focus on crime consequences for victims (Appendix 9). Expert 2 wanted greater restraint regarding victims and live courtroom reporting. "The presumption of innocence isn't always upheld by media," he said (Appendix 10). Expert 5 hoped media could expose perpetrators' cover-up systems, as only they could. Trigger warnings might prevent re-traumatisation (Appendix 12).

4.2.4 Further Backgrounds

The interview with Expert 3 yielded rich insights on context. She saw no causal link between the Corona pandemic and rising sexual abuse and child pornography case numbers. "For child pornography, the increase might stem from a larger spotlight," she said. Better detection, improved data carrier analysis software, and "large chat groups" also contributed. "We had notably many cases in 2021-2022 from dismantling big groups," she noted. Most involved accidental acts by naive chat participants and youths. While child pornography offences surged, paedophile numbers did not proportionally rise (Appendix 11).

Expert 4 discussed the new amendment law's impact (effective 1 July 2021; see Ch. 2.1.4). Processing delays meant affected cases were only now emerging. He cautioned that reporting causes and consequences of sexual abuse of children is tricky, as it risks exposing sensitive perpetrator data or inferring victim identities (Appendix 11). Conversely, Expert 1 said data and victim protection can sometimes conceal crimes. "Victims themselves should decide what victim protection means," she concluded.

5 Discussion oft he Results

5.1 Frequency ofArticles and Case Numbers

Sub-question a examined how frequently German daily newspapers covered sexual abuse of minors and child pornography from 2018 to 2022, and whether rising police case numbers were reflected in article volumes. In summary, article counts on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography increased steadily for Freie Presse (FP) and Passauer Neue Presse (PNP) up to 2020. FP numbers then declined, while PNP surged sharply in 2022. Rheinische Post (RP) saw a strong rise in 2019, stabilising thereafter. Schwäbische Zeitung (SchZ) had only a slight 2019 increase. FP peaked on child abuse in 2020 and child pornography in 2021. Across all papers, both topics peaked in 2019.

Whether article rises mirror case number increases can only be assessed regionally. In North Rhine- Westphalia, Lüdge investigations began late 2018, followed by Bergisch Gladbach in 2019 (Ch. 2.2.2). RP's 2019 article spike likely stems from these. RP child pornography coverage also peaked then—43,000 child pornography files were found in Lüdge (NDR, 2019). North Rhine-Westphalia case figures oft he State Criminal Police Offices show sharp sexual abuse of children and child pornography rises in 2019 (Figs. 15 and 16), mirrored by RP article frequency (cf. Fig. 5, Ch. 4.1.1).

In subsequent years, Rheinische Post (RP) article numbers declined again and showed no further increases despite high case numbers in 2021. Thus, RP reporting did not reflect case number trends across the entire study period.

> Further analysis could determine the true impact ofthe Lüdge and Bergisch Gladbach a- buse complexes on RP coverage.

Passauer Neue Presse (PNP) saw a peak in sexual child abuse articles in 2022 (Fig. 5, Ch. 4.1.1). However, sexual child abuse case numbers (Fig. 17) showed no corresponding rise that year, and child pornography cases had already increased in 2021. The January 2022 Munich-Freising Archdiocese abuse report (Ch. 2.2.3) may have triggered a wave of coverage. Thus, case numbers were not reflected in PNP reporting either.

> Further analysis could determine the extent of the 2022 abuse report publication's influence on PNP coverage.

In Saxony and Baden-Württemberg, sexual abuse of children case numbers show no notable increases (Figs. 15 and 16), yet Freie Presse (FP) and Schwäbische Zeitung (SchZ) article counts peaked in 2020 (Fig. 5, Ch. 4.1.1). For , SchZ articles hit a high in 2020 despite very low case numbers that year, with rises only in 2021. SchZ article volumes do not reflect case numbers, whereas FP coverage mirrors the child pornography case increase.

> Further analysis could determine whether sensational regional abuse cases triggered the article volume to peaks for SchZ and FP..

Source: Own representation^[10]. Source: Own representation^[11].

National case numbers oft he Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA, 2023a & 2023b) are not reflected in total article counts across all newspapers (Figs. 6 and 7, Ch. 4.1.1). While sexual abuse of children cases rose steadily across Germany until 2021, reporting spiked abruptly in 2019 due to high RP volumes. The sharp child pornography case rise in 2021 also went unmirrored. Overall, increases in sexual child abuse and child pornography case numbers are not reflected in article volume rises. Results suggest links to severe cases (Lüdge, Bergisch Gladbach) or sensational events (Munich abuse report), supporting Scheufele's finding that newspapers focus on grave child abuse (2005, p. 212).

Against news value theory, these findings indicate that an event's news value and journalists' selection criteria may outweigh its frequency in driving coverage. Per agenda-setting theory's awareness and salience model, media raised sexual abuse of minors and child pornography awareness over the study period, with peaks unrelated to event frequency. Hypothesis H1 -"If event frequency rises, article frequency on that event increases"—is disconfirmed by the results.

5.2 Weighting of Articles and Case Numbers on the Topic

Sub-question b examined how sexual abuse of minors and child pornography articles were weighted by length and positioning in German daily newspapers during the study period, and whether changes occurred. Results showed articles mostly positioned in later sections. Freie Presse (FP) saw rises on first three pages in 2020-2021; Rheinische Post (RP) in 2019; Schwäbische Zeitung (SchZ) in 2018.

Article length analysis revealed FP published many short pieces (0-299 words) in 2020-2021. Passauer Neue Presse (PNP) featured large volumes of longer articles (>500 words) in 2020 and 2022. Across all papers, 300-399 words was most common from 2018-2020. From 2020, 100-199- word articles rose, peaking in 2021; 400-499 words gained traction, dominating 2022. Very long articles (>1,100 words) also increased markedly. Average length rose from 513 words in 2018 to 571 in 2022.

Newspaper structure must be considered for positioning (Appendix 14). Most articles appeared from page 8; pages 2-3 typically hold overviews, editorials, or fixed content, complicating comparisons. A prominence-based category system would have been preferable, requiring detailed structural analysis. Due to incomparability, positioning results are discounted. Only front-page article counts indicate weighting. Noted spikes show no link to sexual abuse of minors and child pornography case rises. RP's may relate to Lüdge/Bergisch Gladbach, suggesting severe cases reach front pages.

> Further studies could analyse RP article weighting on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography, highlighting sensational/heavy case coverage.

Against the background of the salience model of agenda-setting theory, the length and positioning of articles on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography can be regarded as an emphasis of the topic. It can be observed that the average article length increased during the study period, which could indicate a connection between the increase in case numbers and the article length. However, since towards the end ofthe study period the publication ofthe Munich abuse report may have led to longer PNP articles, no clear conclusion is possible.

> Further studies could analyse a connection between the publication of the Munich abuse report and the length ofPNP articles.

Hypothesis H2 had to be split into H2a and H2b:

Hypothesis H2a"If event frequency increases, the weighting of articles about the events by their positioning also increases" could not be clearly refuted by the study results.

Hypothesis H2b"If event frequency increases, the weighting of articles by their length increases" could not be clearly confirmed by the study results.

5.3 Frequency of Specific Persons and Topic Areas

In sub-question c of the research question, it was asked how frequently certain persons and topic areas were placed at the centre of attention in articles on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography and whether changes occurred during the study period. In summary, the study results showed that perpetrators ranked first in the "main persons ranking" for every newspaper examined except PNP. Second and third places were usually occupied by experts and investigators, followed by religious representatives & celebrities. Only at the very bottom of the ranking were victims and relatives. The ranking changed only slightly over the course of the study period. Only in 2018 was there a strong presence of religious representatives in the articles. The analysis of the "topic ranking" in the examined articles showed that all newspapers reported most frequently on prevention & processing - except FP, which placed investigations and sentencing first. These two topics also occupied the top positions in the other newspapers. Political measures were consistently ranked further back in all cases. Moreover, the crime itself ranked last in all daily newspapers.

At this point, the procedure during categorisation must be described more precisely in order to prevent misinterpretations in the evaluation. If reporting was about a court trial, the article was assigned to the "main person" category of the "perpetrators" dimension, even though relatives or victims often also appeared in the article. For assignment to the "topic" category, "court proceedings" was selected here, even though the crime itself was sometimes also written about and occasionally the consequences of the crime for the victims. What was important for the classification was always the primary event, namely the court trial against the alleged perpetrator. The study results seem to indicate that hardly any reporting took place on the crime itself, but the figures are deceptive: As soon as details

> A study of the content ofcourt reporting on sexualised violence and particularly on sexual abuse ofminors and child pornography could lead to more precise findings.

It must also be added with regard to the assignment of articles to the "prevention and processing" dimension that a very large number of articles on the topic of processing could be assigned to it. The increase in articles on prevention and processing at PNP in 2022 is, for example, with high probability due to the publication of the abuse report, following which many church representatives became media active and strongly contributed to the presence of the topic in the media. A split of the dimension was unfortunately no longer possible within the scope ofthis work.

> Further investigation of reporting on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography on the "prevention andprocessing"dimension and splitting ofthe topic area would be recommendable.

The fact that perpetrators, investigations, court trials and sentencing ranked at the top of the topic ranking, but victims and relatives at the very bottom, highlights that there is a problem here, which will be addressed in (Ch. 5.7). Whether the prominence of the topics "investigations" and "court proceedings" in FP is due to a higher number of investigations or court proceedings in Saxony could not be determined by the author; the data were simply lacking. No increase can be discerned from the State Criminal Police Offices Saxony case figures.

Against the background of framing theory, it can be concluded from these study results that there are blind spots in reporting on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography. The emphasis on already known frames leads to unknown topic areas being illuminated little or not at all. Thus, during data collection, several gaps in reporting were noted, for example prevention offers for potential perpetrators and causes of sexual abuse of minors and child pornography. Scheufele already highlighted in his conclusion that the media focus on the perpetrator when searching for the cause and convey that punishment is the only possible countermeasure. Moreover, the media externalise responsibility for solutions. "For most abuse cases, they named neither explanations or causes nor consequences for the abuse victims (2005, p. 212)." It is also worth mentioning that the search with the keyword "sexual abuse" showed hardly any sexual abuse of women. The term seems to be equated with the meaning "child abuse". Scheufele already mentioned a taboosation of sexual violence in adulthood and other forms of abuse (p. 212). There are also female perpetrators in sexual abuse of minors and child pornography, which only appear in reporting in sensationalised individual cases. Thus, a stereotyping of perpetrators and victims is discernible, although this was not part of the investigations. Scheufele wrote in his conclusion that the media partly convey stereotypical impressions of those affected and perpetrators (p. 213). From the results of this work, it can be concluded that the frames may indeed be pre-determined and culturally conditioned or at least limited by lack of knowledge and lack of discussion partners. However, the high ranking of the topic "studies & statistics", or of experts and their opinions, in reporting on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography can be rated positively.

Overall, it can be concluded that an increase in event frequency does not lead to the formation of previously unknown frames, but rather to an increase in the frequency of articles that use already known frames, which are at the top positions in the topic ranking.

Hypothesis H3, "If event frequency increases, the topic diversity and the diversity of central persons in articles about the event also increases," was refuted by the study results.

5.4 Crises and Reporting on the Topic

In sub-question d of the research question, it was asked whether, following the outbreak of the Corona pandemic and the Ukraine war, there was a decline in the frequency, length, and prominence of articles on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography. The study results showed that the frequency of content with keywords on the topic of child abuse was not reduced by the occurrence of the pandemic and war; on the contrary, there was even a slight increase. The average article length also increased slightly up to 2022. The study provides no statement on positioning. The percentage share of content related to sexual abuse of minors and child pornography in the total newspaper content changed only slightly during the study period: In 2018 it was at 0.14 percent, then rose to a maximum of 0.23 percent in 2020, and ended at 0.19 percent in 2022. Parallel to the outbreak of the Corona pandemic, 2020 thus saw a maximum of content on the topic of sexual abuse of minors and child pornography, even though the total newspaper content available in the wiso database had declined by about 200,000 items that year and remained at this lower level in the subsequent years.

The research method has the weakness that the results do not show cleaned figures, but also include advertisements, classifieds, event notices, article copies, and contributions not assignable to the topic. However, because the percentage share of the content shows no major fluctuations, it can be assumed that there were also no major changes in the distribution ratio within the found content. Against the background of news value theory, the evaluation results appear to indicate that the news value and selection criteria regarding sexual abuse of minors and child pornography hardly changed during the study period. The topic remained on the media agenda despite the outbreak of the pandemic and war. Whether there would have been a higher number of content related to sexual abuse of minors and child pornography without these crises cannot be determined even by further studies.

Hypothesis H4"If event frequency rises and severe acute problems or crises occur, the number of articles on the event does not increase" could not be refuted by the study results.

5.5 Quality of Reporting on the Topic

Sub-question g of the research question addressed how the quality of reporting on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography should be evaluated. In summary, the results from the expert interviews showed that negative aspects predominate here. Although reporting can have an enlightening and uncovering influence in society, the negative impacts on suspects and those affected are immense. In particular, boundary-crossing behaviour by reporters or sensationalist, thrill-seeking reporting works to their disadvantage. Döring and Walter already concluded that the fate of those affected should not be exploited fortheir protection (2020, p. 10). Regarding perpetrators, there is also too little differentiation between paedophilia and perpetration, and no distinction is made between initial and strong suspicion of an offence. It was emphasised that the existences of suspects could thereby be destroyed. Particularly false headlines and the publication of photos have a negative impact. Döring and Walter refer in this regard to the necessary legal conformity of reporting (p. 11). Against the background of Döring and Walter's quality criteria, it can be confirmed that nonsensationalising reporting is regarded as important. The ethical treatment of those affected in interviews was also named as a quality criterion, as was non-stereotyping reporting, since perpetrators should not be equated with paedophiles and victims not with victim characteristics. The debunking of stereotypes is an essential part of knowledge transfer to recipients, according to Döring and Walter (p. 10). The finding of a need for stronger inclusion of prevention was also a result of this study.

> A study on whetherand in what form guidelines forreporting on sexualised violence exist in German editorial offices would be recommendable.

5.6 Potential for Improvement in Reporting on the Topic

In sub-question g of the research question, it was asked to what extent reporting on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography can be improved. The study results show that neutral and factual reporting is desired and sensationalisation should be avoided. This confirms Döring and Walter's finding: "Only factual reporting can form the basis for a rational and solution-oriented societal debate" (2020, p. 10). Furthermore, the presumption of innocence regarding the perpetrator should always be upheld. Trigger warnings before contributions on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography could be used to prevent re-traumatisation ofthose affected. Reporters should also be made aware of the effect of certain terms, and the use of the term "victim" should be fundamentally reconsidered. Döring and Walter's study results already suggest "those affected" as an alternative (p. 10). Thematically, reporting could deal more with the consequences of the crime for the victims as well as with the "cover systems" of perpetrators.

> A study ofthe terms currently used in reporting on sexualised violence could provide important results here.

5.7 Further Findings and Implications

Further information on the backgrounds of case numbers could be gained from the study results. Thus, the higher case numbers could indicate a larger spotlight, but also better analysis methods. No causal connection was recognised between the increases in sexual abuse of minors and child pornography and the outbreak of the Corona pandemic. Investigations against members of large chat groups are said to have driven up the child pornography figures sharply, but these mostly involved naive users and not paedophiles. The entry into force of the amendment law on 1 July 2021 (Ch. 2.1.4) will probably only affect case numbers from 2023 onwards due to the long data processing duration. Regarding reporting on causes and consequences of sexual abuse of minors and child pornography, an expert cautioned that sensitive information would have to be disclosed and identities could possibly also be inferred therefrom. One expert noted that data and victim protection are frequently misused by perpetrators to conceal crimes.

Based on the study results, media professionals are recommended to expand the framing of reports on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography and to adhere to Döring and Walter's quality criteria in production. Certainly, an editorial guideline for reporting on sexual crimes and court proceedings would be helpful here, which could remind of the presumption of innocence and victim-sensitive reporting. The use ofthe term "victim" should be reconsidered and the use of trigger warnings considered.

6 Conclusion

In view of the enormous increases in case numbers of sexual abuse of minors and child pornography in the years between 2018 and 2022, this work addressed the question of how the increase in these criminal offences against the background of pandemic and war affected the quantity and quality of reporting by German daily newspapers on sexual abuse of minors and child pornography.

Looking back on the study, the results suggest that not event frequency, but the news value of individual cases alongside journalistic selection criteria is decisive for the frequency of articles on the topic. The results did not allow conclusions on an influence of case numbers on the weighting of contributions by length or placement. With regard to the quality of articles, it could be determined that rising case numbers did not affect the diversity of framing. In summary, an effect of case numbers on the quantity and quality of reporting had to be ruled out.

The study results also show that the media were able to make an important contribution to themati- sing sexual abuse of minors and child pornography: Despite the outbreak of the Corona pandemic and the Ukraine war, the topic remained a fixed component of the media agenda. For the percentage share of content related to sexual abuse of minors and child pornography in the total content of the newspapers did not change during the study period. The daily newspapers also contributed to opinion formation, knowledge transfer, criticism and control. Nevertheless, the study results particularly point to negative aspects: sensationalisation and stereotyping taking place, the use of nonvictim-sensitive language, the casual handling of the presumption of innocence and misrepresentations in headlines.

Scheufele's finding 20 years ago¹² that an appropriate causal classification and depictions of actors, as well as the illumination of different perspectives and information on risk and conditional factors are important aspects of media functions and are fulfilled more poorly than well, is still valid. He criticised that "only severe abuse cases are hyped up" (2005, p. 213), and the results of this work point to the topicality of this statement. The fact that perspectives are still limited was confirmed.

The limitations of the studies in this work lie primarily in the limited scope. Codebooks could have been expanded and further differentiated with categories, and an analysis of further article characteristics could have resulted in information on the news value of certain abuse cases. Most particularly, the perspective of suspects and perpetrators was missing due to the dropout of an interview partner. At this point, the difficult accessibility of experts and especially those affected must also be mentioned. Surveys on this topic must be conducted with psychological tact, and population surveys are difficult due to touch anxieties and repression mechanisms.

In view of the enormous research gap, the question arises whether the latter also affects the scientific community. The author sees urgent need for research. In particular, a study of reporting on abuse complexes in North Rhine-Westphalia based on the inertia model of agenda-setting theory could be promising. But a study of articles for certain news factors or based on gatekeeper theory would also likely yield valuable insights.

The results of this and future studies could in any case provide great added value for science. After all, sexual child abuse was taboo for a long time and reporting on it is young. For the media industry, research results could lead to valuable guidelines and, in view of increasing tabloidisation, to a return to codes and values. Editorial offices nationwide are increasingly confronted with cases of sexualised violence that must be thematised - with a loud but sensitive voice. Because: Silence only helps the perpetrators.

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Appendix List

Appendix 1: Codebook 1

Appendix 2: Codebook 2

Appendix 3: Codebook 3

Appendix 4: Codebook 3 - Dimensions

Appendix 5: Guideline for Expert Interviews

Appendix 6: Analysis of Positioning ofArticles on the Topic

Appendix 7: Analysis of Length ofArticles on the Topic

Appendix 8: Main persons

Appendix 9: Interviewwith Expert 1

Appendix 10: Interviewwith Expert2

Appendix 11: Interviewwith Experts 3 and 4

Appendix 12: Interviewwith Expert5

Appendix 13: Categorisation ofthe Expert Interviews

Appendix 14: Structure of Examined Daily Newspapers

Appendix 1: Codebook 1

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own Representation.

Appendix 2: Codebook 2

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

Appendix 3: Codebook 3

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

Appendix 4: Codebook 3 - Dimensions

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

Appendix 5: Guideline for Expert Interviews

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

Appendix 6: Analysis of Positioning ofArticles on the Topic

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Appendix 7: Analysis of Length ofArticles on the Topic

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Appendix 8: Main persons

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Appendix 9: Interviewwith Expert 1

Transcription of the interviewe conducted on 05/19/2023 (Duration: circa 30 minutee).

female, 60-65 years old, 30 years active in victim protection, currently in a leading position.

I = Interviewer

B= Interviewee

I: Guten Morgen Frau X., schön, dass wir uns kennenlernen. Vielen Dank dass Sie an meiner Interview-Reihe teilnehmen. Wir haben bereits am Telefon besprochen, dass ich das Interview transkribieren muss, weshalb ich es aufzeichne. Ist das in Ordnung für Sie?

B:Ja.

I: Sollen wirgleich starten?

B: Sehrgerne

I: Gut. Wie lange sind sie schon im Opferschutz tätig?

B: Oh, das war nach der Geburt meines dritten Kindes, noch in Ostdeutschland. Etwa 30 Jahre würde ich sagen?

I: Wie sind Sie auf diese Idee gekommen?

B: Ich wollte etwas Ehrenamtliches machen, und dieser Verein hat damals händeringend nach Mitarbeitern gesucht.

I: Scheint heute ähnlich zu sein, ich habe ihre Suchanzeigegesehen.

B: Ja wir suchen auch jetzt dringend Mitarbeiter. Damals, als ich anfing, war das aber alles anders. Das konnte in Ostdeutschland nicht so natürlich wachsen wie hier im Westen. Da mussten viele Außenstellen plötzlich bei null anfangen. Und so bin ich auch relativ schnell in eine leitende Position gerutscht.

I: Haben Sie dafür eine spezielle Ausbildung benötigt?

B: Der Verein legt sehr viel Wert auf Qualität, auch wenn es um Mitarbeiter geht. Er hat auch eine eigene Akademie, wo man als Mitarbeiter jährlich an Kursen teilnehmen muss. Das schwierigste für die meisten ist aber die Zeit. Nicht jeder kann eine ehrenamtliche Arbeit wie diese mit seinem Berufsleben in Einklang bringen. Außerdem geht es manchmal hart zur Sache. Das verträgt nicht jeder.

I: Wie meinen Sie das?

B: Wir haben sehr viel mit häuslicher Gewalt zu tun. Auch mit sexualisierter Gewalt wie Vergewaltigung oder Kindesmissbrauch. Das verträgt nichtjeder.

I: Wie kann man sich als Opferhelfer von den Erlebnissen der Kriminalitätsopfer distanzieren bzw. verhindern, dass man das Gehörte mit nach Hause nimmt?

B: Wir suchen unsere Ehrenamtlichen sehr genau aus, denn es nützt niemandem, wenn Helfer und Opfer zusammen weinend auf der Couch sitzen. Man sollte die Sache mit professioneller Distanz betrachten können und muss dazu den Umgang mit den Erlebnissen lernen. Manchmal heißt es Durchhalten und Haltung bewahren. Im Nachgang führen wir häuft Mitarbeitergespräche und versuchen so, das Erlebte zu kompensieren. Wenn ein Helfer aber sehr verfangen ist, versuchen wir ihn aus der Sache herauszunehmen.

I: Gerade während Corona und in der Zeit danach wurde in den Medien viel über Kindesmissbrauch veröffentlicht. Was meinen Sie: Nehmen Sexualdelikte und Kindesmissbrauch zu?

B: Ja. Wie gesagt ich bin 30 Jahre im Opferschutz aktiv und Sexualdelikte und Kindesmissbrauch nehmen zu. Ich glaube aber, dass es nicht zu einem tatsächlichen Anstieg an Fällen gekommen ist, denn sexuellen Kindesmissbrauch hat es schon immer gegeben. Es scheint eher so, dass die Hemmschwelle gesunken ist, Sexualdelikte und Kindesmissbrauch bei der Polizei anzuzeigen.

I: Mit welchen Kindesmissbrauchs-Fällen sind sie in derOpferhilfe konfrontiert?

B: Das geht vom Babyalter bis zur Pubertät. Interessanterweise ist durch das Aufdecken der institutionellen Gewalt, also beispielsweise in Kirchen, auch die Hemmschwelle für Menschen gesunken deren sexueller Missbrauch schon viele Jahre zurückliegt. Das denke ich, haben wir der Medienaufmerksamkeit zuzuschreiben. In diesem Fall ist die Berichterstattung von Vorteil. Die Medien konnten durch ihre Arbeit auch Fälle aufdecken. Ich glaube das hat auch positive Auswirkung auf familiäre sexuelle Gewalt. Zwar scheuen viele Betroffenen die Medien - gerade im ländlichen Raum, wo jeder weiß wer Täter und Opfer sind, aber in der Stadt ist das anonymer.

I: Was denken Sie über die Berichterstattung zu Kindesmissbrauch?

B: Es hat sich in den 30 Jahren meiner Tätigkeit viel getan. Natürlich gibt es schwarze Schafe, die reißerisch und sensationsheischend berichterstatten. Aber es gibt auch viele Redakteure, die sehr neutral schreiben. Das empfinde ich als sehr angenehm. Besonders schlimm finde ich, wenn Reporter einem grenzüberschreitend auf die Pelle rücken. Allerdings passiert das nur in Fällen, die national interessant sind. Das ist mir nur einmal passiert.

I: Und was sagen Opfer über die Berichterstattung?

B: Für viele ist es frustrierend, wenn sich die Täter immer wieder rausreden. Vor allem in Bezug auf die Fälle, wo Institutionen wie die Kirche beteiligt sind. Allerdings ist es gut, dass das Thema auf den Tisch kommt.

I: Finden Sie, dass die Perspektive der Opfer in der Berichterstattung vernachlässigt wird?

B: Alles, was mit Opfern zu tun hat, sehe ich nicht gern in der Zeitung. Immer, wenn es um die Sexualthematik geht, ist es eigentlich egal, was das Opfer sagt: Es bleibt immer etwas an ihm hängen. Die Betroffenen wollen das Erlebte eigentlich nicht erzählen. Deswegen sind auch Gerichtsprozesse so hart für sie zu ertragen. Das Wichtigste für die Betroffenen ist am Ende nicht, welches Strafmaß der Täter bekommt, sondern, dass ihnen geglaubt wurde.

I: WelcheAspektefehlen ihnen in der Berichterstattung überSexualdelikte und Kindesmissbrauch?

B: Es wäre gut, wenn die Berichterstattung sich mehr damit beschäftigen würde, wie das Opfer nach der Tat mit seinem Leben klarkommt, welche Konsequenzen Kriminalitätsopfer zu tragen haben. Außerdem wird das Wort „Opfer“ zu unbedacht in der Berichterstattung verwendet. Die Betroffenen werden damit „viktimisiert“.

I: Ich bin schon einmal von einer Initiative darauf hingewiesen worden, dass die Verwendung des Wortes „Betroffene“ besser ist. Wie finden Sie das?

B: Gut. Es sollten mehr Berichterstatter wissen, dass die Betroffenen durch die Verwendung des Begriffes zu Opfern gemacht werden. Darüber wissen wohl zu wenig Bescheid.

I: Was denken Sie, wird ihrer Meinung nach genug über Präventionsangebote berichtet, beispielsweise über Präventionsangebote?

B: Das wäre schön, aber ist wohl oft zu langweilig.

I: Wie ist das mit Berichterstattung über Prävention für mögliche Täter, also für Menschen, die damit eine unsichere sexuelle Orientierung frühzeitig in den Griff bekommen.

B: Alles, was mit Tätern zu tun hat, ist nicht unsere Sache. Ich glaube, schon einmal von so etwas gehört zu haben. Ich glaube in München gibt es da ein Angebot. Aber wir kümmern uns um die andere Seite.

I: Vielen Dank Frau X. Sie haben mir mit ihren Antworten einige wertvolle Einblicke gegeben. Viel Glück bei der Personalsuche und weiterhin viel Erfolg bei Ihrer Tätigkeit für den Verein.

Appendix 10: Interviewwith Expert 2

Transcription oft he interviews conducted on 05/19/2023 (Duration: circa 30 minutens).

male, 40-45 years old, Senior Public Prosecutor, specialising in combating sexual abuse on the internet and child pornography.

I = Interviewer

B= Interviewee

I: Hallo Herr X.

B: Hallo

I: Schön, dass Sie sich Zeit genommen haben. Ich weiß, dass Sie nicht viel davon haben. Wie bereits in meiner E-Mail angekündigt muss ich das Interview aufzeichnen, um es danach zu transkribieren. Sind sie einverstanden?

B:Ja.

I: Dann würde ich gleich mit meinen Fragen an Sie loslegen, um sie nicht länger als nötig aufzuhalten. Herr X., wie ist ihre Einschätzung zur Berichterstattung über sexuellen Missbrauch von Kindern und Jugendlichen, sowie Kinderpornografie?

B: Subjektiv werden mir in der Berichterstattung die Fälle eher zu ausführlich geschildert. Zu sensationslustig. Gelegentlich wird auch recht zugespitzt berichtet.

I: Was sagen Sie zur Häufigkeit von Medienberichten über das Thema?

B: In Bezug auf die Menge und Häufigkeit der Berichterstattung finde ich sie dem Thema entsprechend angemessen.

I: Gibt es etwas, das ihrer Meinung nach in der Berichterstattung über diese Thematik verändert werden sollte?

B: Es wird in den Medien zu wenig differenziert: Hinter einem Menschen, der Kinderpornografie auf seiner Festplatte hat verbirgt sich beispielsweise nicht immer ein Pädophiler.

I: Was genau meinen Sie damit?

B: Es gibt eine große Bandbreite von Täterprofilen, und die Zuspitzung in den Medien ist ziemlich leichtfertig. Pädophilie ist die Diagnose eines Psychiaters, bei der bestimmte medizinische Kriterien erfüllt oder nicht erfüllt sind. Die allermeisten Täter haben gar keine klare Präferenz, sondern ein unsicheres Sexual- oder Bindungsverhalten.

I: Wie beispielsweise jugendliche Täter?

B: Auch viele minderjährige Täter, ja.

I: Haben Sie noch weitere Beispiele?

B: Wir haben da einen aktuellen Fall, wo gegen einen Pfarrer wegen Kinderpornografie ermittelt wird. Das Leben des Mannes ist mit dem ersten Zeitungsbericht zerstört. Ich wünsche mir da von den Medien mehr Differenzierung und auch Zurückhaltung, denn man muss bedenken: Ein solcher Tatvorwurf ist für die Verdächtigen existenzvernichtend. „Ermittlung“ heißt am Anfang erst einmal noch gar nichts. Es gilt die Unschuldsvermutung und man redet maximal von einem Verdacht. In den Medien wird die Person aber stigmatisiert, sie bekommt den Vorwurf nicht mehr los und eine bürgerliche Existenz wird zerstört. Aber auch in Bezug auf die Opfer wäre mehr Zurückhaltung in der Berichterstattung wünschenswert.

I: Haben Sie dazu auch konkrete Beispiele?

B: Da ist zum Beispiel der Fall in dem kleinen Dorf, wegen dem Sie mich erst kürzlich kontaktiert haben. In bestimmten Fällen, wenn beispielsweise der Ort des Geschehens sehr klein ist, machen wir grundsätzlich keine Pressearbeit, weil Täter und Opfer so leicht identifizierbar sind.

I: Sie meinen den Fall, bei dem der Mitarbeiter einer Schule wegen Verdachts auf Kindesmissbrauch festgenommen wurde?

B: Genau. In diesem Fall haben wir Hinweise aus den USA bekommen und die Ermittlungen eingeleitet. Bei einer Hausdurchsuchung konnten wir auf Datenträgern eine Vielzahl von kinder- und jugendpornografischen Inhalten sicherstellen, was den Verdacht bestätigte. Und dann konnten wir Inhalte finden, die darauf hinwiesen, dass der Mann sechs Jungen sexuell missbraucht haben könnte. Das Dorf ist klein und jeder kennt die Opfer und den Täter. In solchen Fällen warten wir länger mit der Pressemitteilung.

I: Sie haben mir am Ende dennoch Daten gegeben, die den Mann eigentlich identifizierbar machen, beispielsweise sein Alter. Da haben wir in der Redaktion darüber geredet, ob wir das rausgeben können oder nicht. Sehen Sie da kein Problem?

B: Nein, es gibtja mehrere 25-Jährige. Auch in einem Dorf.

I: Wir haben von der Schule von der Sache erfahren und es hieß, dass es Ärger für die Schule gegeben habe, weil sie die Eltern informiert habe.

B: Wenn Informationen überlaufende Ermittlungen verbreitet werden, ist Vorsicht geboten. Ich habe beispielsweise gesehen, dass die Zeitung Z. in der Überschrift über Missbrauchsverdacht an der Schule geschrieben hat. In ihrem Artikel haben sie deutlich gemacht, dass der Kontakt zu den missbrauchten Kindern über Vereine zustande kam und es KEINE Verdachtsfälle an der Schule gebe.

I: Auch von unserer Redaktion wurde mein Artikel an eine Zeitung weitergegeben und diese hat dann die Überschrift verändert und meinen Namen daruntergeschrieben. Darüber habe ich mich nicht gefreut.

B: Das ist sehr ärgerlich für alle und leider auch eine Art von Fehlinformation.

I: HerrX. sind Sie ausschließlich mit Kinderpornografie und Kindesmissbrauch beschäftigt? Wie geht es Ihnen damit? Die Sichtung ist doch sicherlich manchmal schwerzu ertragen.

B: Ja. Die Sichtung kinderpornografischer Inhalte ist für alle, die in einem Ermittlungs- bzw. Strafverfahren damit befasst sind, regelmäßig sehr belastend. Uns Staatsanwälten stehen aber professionelle Coaching- und Supervisionsangebote zurVerfügung.

I: Wir sind nun am Ende Ihrer Zeit angelangt, Herr X. Vielen Dank noch einmal, dass Sie befragen durfte.

Appendix 11: Interviewwith Experts 3 and 4

Transcription ofthe Interviews conducted on 05/22/2023 (Duration: circa 60 minutes).

Female, 31 years old, Public Prosecutor, working in the specialist field of sexual abuse of children and young people as well as child pornography for four years.

The interview was conducted in the presence of Expert 4, who is responsible for press work at the regional court. He took over the responses to the final points.

I = Interviewer

B= Interviewee

Interview with Expert 3

I: Hallo Frau X.

B: Guten Morgen.

I: Vielen lieben Dank, dass Sie sich Zeit genommen haben. Es freut mich sehr, Sie kennenzulernen. Wie sie wissen, muss ich das Interview aufzeichnen, um es anschließend transkribieren zu können. Ist das in Ordnung?

B:Ja.

I: Sehr gut. Darf ich fragen, wie alt Sie sind?

B: Ich bin 31 Jahre alt.

I: Wie lange arbeiten Sie schon als Staatsanwältin.

B: Mit 26 war ich fertig mit dem Staatsexamen.

I: Wann haben Sie sich entschieden, Staatsanwältin zu werden?

B: Insgesamt hat sich das bei mir schon sehr früh abgezeichnet. Ich habe mit einem Schülerpraktikum hier begonnen und so hat sich das sehr früh entwickelt. Die Entscheidung hat mehrere Gründe: Zum einen das Tätigkeitsfeld: Es ist ein sehr, sehr abwechslungsreicher Beruf.

I: Haben sie bewusst den Bereich Kindesmissbrauch und Kinderpornografie angepeilt?

B: Dass ich in diesem Bereich lande, muss ich ehrlicherweise gestehen, habe ich auch nicht gedacht. Ich war am Anfang auch skeptisch, aber habe sehr schnell gemerkt, dass es mir doch liegt. Die Motivation, den Täter zu ermitteln, steigt im Verlauf der Ermittlungen.

I: Wie sieht ihre Arbeit aus?

B: Wie gesagt sehr abwechslungsreich: Natürlich gehört die Büro- und Aktenarbeit dazu, aber auch die Arbeit am Tatort. So bin ich teilweise bei Durchsuchungsmaßnahmen anwesend, und auch bei der Vernehmung der Beteiligten. Sei es, dass man diese aktiv selbst leitet, oder ihnen aktiv beiwohnt. Gerade im Bereich des sexuellen Missbrauchs von Kindern sieht die Strafprozessordnung eine richterliche audiovisuelle Vernehmung von kindlichen Zeugen vor, der man aktiv beiwohnt. Und natürlich ist noch ein ganz wichtiger Aspekt im Beruf des Staatsanwalts die Vertretung der Staatsanwaltschaft in den Sitzungen. Das mündet dann ein bisschen darin, dass man die Früchte der oft monatelangen Ermittlungsarbeit ernten kann.

I: Wenn Kinder vernommen werden, wer macht das? Und wie sieht das aus?

B: Tatsächlich erfolgt erst eine Vernehmung durch die Polizeibeamten. Dann bei Gericht macht es der Ermittlungsrichter. Die Staatsanwaltschaft selbst führt diese Vernehmungen nicht, weil das Gesetz es als richterliche Vernehmung vorsieht. Aber der Staatsanwalt sitzt zusammen mit dem Angeklagten und dem Verteidiger in einem Raum. Das Ganze wird audiovisuell übertragen, damit das Opfer nicht in der Konfrontation mit dem Angeklagten stehen muss und man eine räumliche Trennung hat. Aber das Gesetz sieht ein Anwesenheitsrecht des Angeklagten vor und so kann man das trennen. Die Vernehmung als solche führt der Ermittlungsrichter, aber es ist doch so, dass da manchmal noch Fragen offenbleiben, und dann ist es wichtig, dass Staatsanwälte dabei sind und ergänzend fragen.

I: Jetzt einmal zu der Statistik des Bundeskriminalamtes: Diese zeigt einen Anstieg von Fällen bei Kinderpornografie und Kindesmissbrauch im ersten Jahr nach Corona. Hängt das Ihrer Ansicht nach zusammen?

B: Meiner Meinung nach gibt es keinen kausalen Zusammenhang mit der Corona-Pandemie, obwohl Lockdown und Ausgangsbeschränkungen natürlich dazu geführt haben, dass die Menschen mehr Zeit zuhause und mehr Zeit im Internet verbracht haben. Die Zahlen bei Kindesmissbrauch sind nicht stark angestiegen. Bei Kinderpornografie könnte der Anstieg darauf zurückzuführen sein, dass es ein größeres Hellfeld gibt. Diese Taten werden immer besser ermittelbar und es gibt immer bessere Auswertungsmöglichkeiten: Bessere Software mit denen man die Datenträger auch knacken kann. Worauf wir den Anstieg außerdem zurückführen können, ist das sogenannte Groß-ChatgruppenPhänomen. So nenne ich das jetzt mal. Wir hatten gerade in den Jahren 2021 und 2022 auffällig viele Verfahren, weil wir Großgruppen ausgehoben haben. Teilweise haben die keinen pädophilen Charakter, sondern da sind überwiegend Personen drin, die völlig unbedarft derartige Inhalte empfangen. Da gibt es z.B. eine Gruppe von Menschen, die sich für Garten interessieren und dann kommt es trotzdem dazu, dass einzelne Personen dort kinderpornografische Inhalte einstellen. Nachdem der Besitz dieser Inhalte aber bereits strafbar ist, machen sich unter gewissen Umständen auch die Gruppenmitglieder, die nichts aktiv einstellen, strafbar. Wenn in diesem Fall einen Anfangsverdacht für den Besitz kinderpornografischer Inhalte besteht, werden wir eben auch gegen diese Gruppenmitglieder Verfahren einleiten. Das führt dazu, dass man plötzlich 300 bis 400 Verfahren mehr hat.

I: Was meinen Sie: Wie hoch istderAnteil unbedarfteroderjugendlicherTäterin dieserStatistik?

B: Das ist schwierig, aber ich würde sagen, dass die größere Masse schon die der unbedarften Chatteilnehmer und Jugendlichen ist. Ich würde das mal ein bisschen zusammenfassen, weil man kann, nicht per se sagen, dass es keine Heranwachsenden gibt, die möglicherweise schon pädophile Züge haben.

I: Also gibt es mehr unbedarfte als pädophile Täter in dieser Statistik?

B: Bei den Kinderpornografie- Delikten kann ich mich ein bisschen darauf beziehen, dass wir einen starken Anstieg von Fällen hatten, aber dass es nicht zwangsläufig bedeutet, dass wir einen Anstieg von Pädophilen in unserem Landgerichtsbezirk verzeichnen können, sondern dass es eben das Phänomen der Chatgruppen ist.

Interview mit Experte 4

I: Wie gehen Sie in diesem Bereich mit Pressearbeit um?

B: Wir geben natürlich keine Mitteilungen raus, die weitere Ermittlungen gefährden könnten. Wenn wir Chatgruppen haben und einen Anfangsverdacht von Straftaten sehen und noch verdeckte Maßnahmen im Raum stehen, wie beispielsweise Durchsuchungen, dann werden natürlich keine Informationen rausgegeben. Es ist ein sensibler Bereich, weil häufig auch Kinder und Jugendliche beteiligt sind, wo dann auch der Persönlichkeitsschutz Vorrang genießt. Deswegen sind wir sehr zurückhaltend.

I: Was wünschen Sie sich in Bezug auf die Berichterstattung?

B: Mehr Zurückhaltung. Auch bei der Berichterstattung direkt aus dem Gerichtssaal (Push-Nachrichten und Live-Ticker). Der Hintergrund dafür ist, dass Zeugen aber auch Schöffen durchaus von den Nachrichten beeinflusst werden können. Vor allem, wenn es sich um mehrere Verhandlungstage handelt. Die „Unschuldsvermutung“ wird nicht immer eingehalten seitens der Medien. Das wäre wünschenswert. Bei einem mir bekannten Fall, bei dem wegen Mordes ermittelt wird, wurde sogar ein Foto des Verdächtigen veröffentlicht.

I: Würden Sie sich wünschen, dass auch über die Konsequenzen und Ursachen von sexuellem B: Missbrauch an Kindern mehr berichtet würde?

B: Bei den Ursachen wird es schwierig, weil hier der Täter im Mittelpunkt steht, und gegebenenfalls das medizinisch-psychologische Gutachten eines Sachverständigen. Das sind sensible Informationen. Auch bei den Konsequenzen ist eine Berichterstattung schwierig, da Rückschlüsse auf Opfer gezogen werden könnten, und diese damit identifizierbar werden könnten. Es wird außerdem in den Medien kein Unterschied zwischen einem Anfangsverdacht und einem dringenden Tatverdacht gemacht.

I: Wie sieht das mit der Berichterstattung über sexuellen Missbrauch aus, glauben sie, dass das Änderungsgesetz, das am 1. Juli 2021 in Kraft trat, Einfluss auf den Anstieg von Fällen in 2021 hat?

B: Dadurch, dass die Auswertung so lange dauert, kommen erst jetzt die ganzen Fälle, bei denen die neue Gesetzeslage gilt. Ich habe übrigens nachgeschaut wegen der Zahlen, nach denen Sie mich gefragt haben.

I: Das ist sehr freundlich von Ihnen. Ich glaube wir haben unseren Zeitrahmen inzwischen bereits gesprengt. Vielen Dank für das freundliche Gespräch

Appendix 12: Interviewwith Expert 5

Transcription oft he interviewe conducted on 06/07/2023 (Duration: circa 60 minutes).

Male, 55-60 years old, Founder of an initiative for abuse victims. She has worked in prevention for many years and collaborated with various media companies to expose sexual crimes by a priest.

I = Interviewer

B= Interviewee

I: Guten Morgen, Danke dass Sie sich Zeit genommen haben Frau X. Können wir gleich beginnen? Sie wissen ja bereits über alles Bescheid.

B: Guten Morgen. Ja sehrgern.

I: Sie sind schon viele Jahre erfahren, wenn es um die Berichterstattung in Zusammenhang mit sexuellem Missbrauch von Kindern geht. Welche Art von Berichterstattung ist ihnen in diesem Fall die liebste

B: Eine klare und sachliche.

I: Und wie ist das, wenn es um die Perspektive der Berichterstatter geht?

B: Ich habe da mal eine Installation von einem Künstler gesehen, wo man bei einem Guckkasten reingeschaut hat, und von beiden Seiten hineinschauen konnte auf eine Szenerie. Von beiden Seiten sieht man das gleiche Szenario: Das Zubettbringen eines Kindes durch einen Erwachsenen. Aus einer Perspektive sieht es ganz unschuldig aus, aus der anderen erkennt man welche Hintergedanken der Mann hat.

I: Es gibt für die Berichterstatter häufig Schwierigkeiten aus Opfer in das Zentrum von Berichten zu stellen, zum Beispiel aus Gründen des Opferschutzes. Es ist also schwierig übe Ursachen und Folgen von Missbrauch zu berichten. Was sehen Sie für Möglichkeiten?

B: In unserem Fall hier, der mit der Kirche zu tun hat, schließen die Deckungsmechanismen der Täter oder Täterorganisation oftmals den Opferschutz mit ein. Wie oft hören wir: das darf man nicht wegen Datenschutz usw. das nehmen die dann, um sich zu decken. Was Opferschutz ist, sollen schon die Opfer selbst entscheiden. Auch was retraumatisierend ist. Da heißt es dann das darf man nicht, und das nicht.

I: Sie haben den Täter Y. lange gekannt. Wie war das als die Sache rauskam?

B: Wir kannten ihn etwa 20 Jahre. Als dann die Berichterstattung über kirchlichen Missbrauch anfing, und in der Süddeutschen Zeitung so ein Täter beschrieben wurde, wurde ich aufmerksam. Die Beschreibung hat eins zu eins auf Y. gepasst. Das Charisma, dass er so jovial mit den Jugendlichen umgeht, dass er toll redet und predigt. Ab dem Zeitpunkt hat sich bei uns die Perspektive geändert. Dann hat es tatsächlich nicht lange gedauert und es wurde auch über ihn berichtet.

I: Sehen sie da etwas Positives in der Berichterstattung?

B: Unbedingt. Unbedingt. Die Medien sind das Einzige, was den Betroffenen helfen kann, um die öffentliche Sensibilität herzustellen. Natürlich machen die Leute in Kindergarten, Schulen und öffentlichen Ämtern überall viele Fortbildungen. Aber was ist das für ein Prozentsatz der Gesamtbevölkerung? Es muss ja die ganze Bevölkerung hinschauen und das einordnen können, sonst geht es immer so weiter. Meine Erfahrung ist, dass man als normaler Mensch nach einem Missbrauch keine Beweise hat. Die Täter verhindern das ja. An die harten Beweise ist es ganz schwer ranzukommen. Es ist notwendig, dass man die Signale des Deckungssytems einordnen kann. Wenn Y. zu einem Kind gesagt hat: „Da schneid ich dir den Pipi ab“, dann hat man das abgetan und gesagt, dass er wieder schlechte Laune hat. Aber bei ihm war das eine Ablenkung von dem, was eigentlich los ist. Das ist wirklich komplex. Man muss einen Blick für den Zusammenhang bekommen und das schaffen nur die Medien.

I: Dass den Kindern, denen sexueller Missbrauch angetan wurde nicht geglaubt wurde, scheint besonders belastend zu sein.

B: Ja, der Prozess gegen Y. wird ja nur geführt, damit ein Richter sagt: Du hast das gemacht. Die ursprüngliche Motivation für diesen Prozess liegt darin, dass eine öffentliche Aussage gemacht wird. Denn das Opfer stellt sich selbst in Frage und wenn andere sagen: „Das kann doch nicht sein“, dann fragt es sich selbst, ob die anderen vielleicht recht haben, und etwas mit einem selbst nicht stimmt. Das zerstört das Selbstwertgefühl und wirft aus der Bahn. Dass einem geglaubt wird spielt eine sehr große Rolle. Wenn man jemanden findet, der einem glaubt, dann kann mit der Verarbeitung begonnen werden.

I: Was könnte negativ an einer Berichterstattung sein?

B: Wenn die Überschrift nicht stimmt. Natürlich gesteht man den Medien zu, dass sie eine Überschrift brauchen, die ein Eyecatcher ist. Aber stimmen sollte sie doch. Uns ist es immer am liebsten, wenn es sachliche Berichte sind. Das Sachliche ist, was das Opfer hilft. Man braucht da nicht auf die Tränendrüse drücken, und dazu schreiben, wie schrecklich es ist. In unserem Fall hatten wirAngst, dass die Medien das ausschlachten und wir (Anmerkung der Verfasserin: die Initiative) zur Zielscheibe werden. Aber wir sind nicht durch die Medien exponiert worden, sondern durch unsere Arbeit. Und das haben wir entschieden. Da hatten wir aber nicht von Anfang an das Vertrauen in die Medien, das haben wir erst lernen müssen.

I: Haben sie schon einmal Berichterstattung mit negativer Konsequenz erleben müssen?

B: Berichterstattung kann einen Schock auslösen, und auch Tränen. Das kann man negativ empfinden, aber ich habe von einer Betroffenen gehört, dass durch einen Medienbericht da etwas aufgebrochen ist. Sie ist aufgewühlt worden. Aber dann hat sie den Schritt in die Beratungsstelle gemacht und ist damit in der Bewältigung ihres Traumas weitergekommen.

I: Wären Triggerwarnungen vielleicht sinnvoll?

B: Das könnte eine Lösung sein

I: Gibt es Themen die ihrer Meinung nach vernachlässigt werden?

B: Es wird bei weitem nicht genug über Prävention geredet. Aufarbeiten und Prävention funktionieren nur miteinander. Die Prävention ist sozusagen die Frucht derArbeit mit derVergangenheit.

I: Meinen Sie, dass das Tabu in Bezug auf Kindesmissbrauch gebrochen ist?

B: In der Öffentlichkeit ja. Für jeden Einzelnen ist es wieder etwas anders. Die Kirche kann eine hervorragende Rolle spielen und es gibt da viele Leute, die etwas tun. Sie kann als Vorbild vorangehen, aber leider tut sie das oft noch zu halbherzig. Da sind Systeme, die sich gegenseitig schützen oder decken. Es ist immer noch eine Scheu da. Man braucht viel Mut das Thema in die Hand zu nehmen.

I: Haben Sie Wünsche an die Berichterstattung?

B: Im juristischen Jargon sagt man Opfer. Aber wir sagen Betroffene. Ein Opfer ist im allgemeinen Sprachverständnis hilflos und wir möchten die Perspektive, dass ein Opfer handeln kann. Vielleicht handelt es auch schon lange. Es gibt ja Betroffene, die schon ihr Leben lang damit leben, und sagen: Das gehört zu meinem Leben dazu.

I: Thema Viktimisierung.

B: Ja, viele glauben, wenn man Opfer ist, ist das Leben aus. Die Bezeichnung macht etwas, wie die Öffentlichkeit auf das Opfer reagiert. Aktiv werden ist immer gut im Heilungsprozess. Bei unserer Präventionswoche haben wir immer Opfer, die in Erscheinung treten und erzählen, was sie machen. Sie unternehmen Pilgerfahrten, Lesungen, schreiben Bücher. Das ist eine wichtige Perspekte und gibt anderen Impulse.

I: Sie gehören zu den sogenannten Sekundärbetroffenen. Da gibt es auch praktisch keine Berichte dazu richtig

B: Man braucht vor sich selbst den Mut das vor sich selbst einzugestehen. Schuldgefühle, kommen. Das ist auch Täter-Opfer-Umkehr. Wir nennen uns Sekundär-Betroffene. Auch wir sind in das Spiel gezogen worden, dass die Schuld bei uns liegt. Das macht uns auch wütend. Als normaler fällt man auf so eine Betrügerei rein. Die Kehrseite darf mich wütend machen, dass er das so machen hat können. Und das kann man zum positiven nutzen. Ein Schritt in die Zukunft.

I: Sie gehören zu den sogenannten Sekundärbetroffenen. Hierzu wird sicher wenig berichtet, oder?

B: Es müsste an die Leute gebracht werden, wie hoch komplex die Deckungssysteme von Tätern sein können. Das müssen sie kapieren, und verstehen, dass die Täter so etwas machen.

I: Vielen Dank. Ich glaube wir sind am Ende angelangt.

Appendix 13: Categorisation ofthe Expert Interviews

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Appendix 14: Structure of Examined Daily Newspapers

Illustrations are not included in the reading sample

Source: Own representation.

[...]

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¹ Skog et al. described digital disruption as a rapidly unfolding process in which digital innovation fundamentally transforms the logic of sustainable value creation and value capture by unbundling or recombining resources and their interconnections (2018, p. 432).

² A study by the Statista Research Department indicated that the total circulation of German daily newspapers has almost halved since 1991. The decline in circulation has also impacted revenues, with forecasts suggesting further decreases in the future (Statista Research Department, 2023).

³ According to a survey conducted within the media, creative, and digital industries of Berlin and Brandenburg, attracting and developing skilled professionals ranks among the top three priorities for every second company (FKTG Gesellschaft für elektronische Medien, 2022).

⁴ The agenda-setting approach assumes a direct influence ofthe media agenda on the public agenda (Maurer, 2020).

⁵ Framing refers to the process of contextualising an issue within a specific interpretive environment or framework of meaning (Scheufele, 2019).

⁶ The concept of reciprocal effects refers to the influence of media on those about whom they report, as well as the strong positive or negative impacts that such portrayals may have on these individuals (Kepplinger, 2020,p. 135).

⁷

⁸ Under German criminal law (§ 12 StGB), a felony is defined as an unlawful act punishable by a minimum prison sentence of at least one year, whereas a misdemeanour refers to an unlawful act subject to a lesser prison term or a monetaryfine. (§12Abs.2 StGB).

⁹ An access link to the research data is provided at the end of the bibliography.

¹⁰ On basis of Ministerium des Inneren, für Digitalisierung und Kommunen Baden-Württemberg, 2023 & UBSKM 2020, 2021,2022a & 2023a.

¹¹ On basis of Polizei Sachsen, 2023 & UBSKM 2020, 2021,2022a & 2023a.

¹² Scheufele's study period covered the time from 1 January 2022 to 31 December 2023 (Scheufele, 2020, p. 116).