Masterarbeit, 2005
62 Seiten, Note: A
Geschichte Deutschlands - Nationalsozialismus, Zweiter Weltkrieg
I. Introduction
II. Method
III. Theoretical Discussion
IV. Empirical Part
4.1.The Functional Development of the Concentration Camp System and the Quantitative Composition of Buchenwald
4.2.The Concentration Camp as a Total Institution with Absolute Power: The External Stratification of the Prisoners’ Society
4.2.1. The System of Categorizing or Labeling
4.2.2. The Underlying Criteria of the External Stratification
4.2.3. The Delegation of Power: The Functional Prisoners
4.2.4. A Model of the External Stratification of the Prisoners’ society
4.3.The Internal Stratification: The Fight between the “Greens” and “Reds”
4.4.The Formation of Norms
4.5.Aspects of Solidarity
5. Conclusion
This thesis investigates how prisoners in the Buchenwald concentration camp constructed their social reality and organized interpersonal relations within the constraints of a "total institution" defined by absolute power. The author seeks to understand how victims navigated systemic terror to establish social structures, norms, and survival strategies, specifically focusing on the struggle for power and the emergence of solidarity.
4.2.1. The System of Categorizing or Labelling
The SS classified the prisoners trough a categorization system of color-coded badges or triangles and letters (“Winkel“), for which I will provide a simplified explanation. These symbols as well the prisoners’ numbers were attached on the left breast and right trouser leg. This categorization functioned for example as basis for the division of blocks and from the very start, the positions in the camp hierarchy and hence the direct conditions of living were roughly allocated to the prisoners. The political opponents had red-coded badges. Their composition consisted of an extremely heterogeneous group of people, who were defined by the National Socialist as political, ideological and religious enemies. For example, communists, social democrats, trade unionists, Catholic and Protestant priests, even former national socialists and denounced non-political German civilians were subsumed under this category. Besides, all foreign prisoners were also classified under this category. In their case, the red colored triangle was extended by the initial letter of the origin country. An own category was created for the religious group of Jehovah’s Witnesses; they were labeled with a purple triangle. The “criminals” received a green triangle and were distinguished mainly into the following sub-groups. At first, the so-called prisoners in limited-term preventive custody (in short: B.V. or Bver “Befristete Vorbeugehäftlinge”), who were arrested because of several previous convictions and were called by the other prisoners professional criminals (“Berufsverbrecher”). So it could happen that an offender after a serve sentence was directly imprisoned again, now in a concentration camp. Since 1942, the second sub-group consisted of the so-called prisoners in security custody (in short: S.V. or Sver “Sicherheitsverwahrte”), who actually still were imprisoned in a place of detention, because of grave crimes, and were sent to a concentration camp mostly with the goal of extermination through work. The prisoners named these people serious offenders (“Schwerverbrecher“). The people of the category “anti-socials“ had to wear black triangles.
I. Introduction: The author outlines the historical context of Buchenwald and presents the core research interest in how prisoners constructed social reality within the camp.
II. Method: This chapter details the qualitative approach and the use of primary eyewitness accounts to analyze the social life of prisoners.
III. Theoretical Discussion: The author reviews existing literature and establishes a framework based on micro-sociological approaches and the theory of total institutions.
IV. Empirical Part: This section provides the detailed study of functional developments, stratification, norms, and solidarity in Buchenwald.
5. Conclusion: The author summarizes the findings, noting that while the camp structure was designed for absolute control, prisoners created niches of social reality and interaction.
Buchenwald, concentration camp, total institution, social stratification, absolute power, prisoner society, social construction of reality, internal stratification, norm formation, solidarity, communist prisoners, criminal prisoners, labeling system, self-government, Nazi terror.
The work examines the social reality of victims in the Buchenwald concentration camp, specifically how prisoners constructed social hierarchies, norms, and solidarity within a system designed for absolute control.
Key themes include external stratification via the Nazi badge system, internal power struggles, the formation of social norms, and the nature of solidarity among prisoners.
The aim is to identify and explain the "how" and "why" of the prisoners' social life and to move beyond the assumption that prisoners were solely passive victims of the SS.
The author uses a qualitative, hermeneutical approach, primarily interpreting historical documents, eyewitness reports, and the "Buchenwald-report" to reconstruct camp social dynamics.
The main section covers the functional development of the camp, the "external" stratification imposed by the SS, the "internal" stratification and power struggles between groups like the "Reds" and "Greens," and the evolution of norms and solidarity.
The study highlights "absolute power" and "total institutions" (Goffman, Sofsky) as the overarching framework that determined the prisoners' lives and created a stratified society.
The SS used color-coded triangles to label prisoners, which served not only as a bureaucratic administrative tool but as a way to force social divisions and prevent a unified resistance.
The "Reds" (communists), leveraging their pre-concentration camp organizational skills and solidarity, eventually established a dominant position in the camp administration, often providing protection to their own cadre and some other groups.
The author argues that solidarity was generally restricted to "in-groups" (often ideological or national) and that acts of solidarity towards the entire camp were rare, though they did exist as "niches" of resistance against the SS.
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