Bachelorarbeit, 2020
50 Seiten, Note: 2.0
1 The “Arab Spring” and the European Union
2 Literature Review
3 Methodology
4 The “Arab Spring” in Egypt
4.1 Timeline and actors
4.2 Causes
5 The EU’s External Relations
5.1 External Relations Policy Fields and Official Interests
5.2 The EU’s construction of the Mediterranean
6 EU external relations with Egypt
6.1 European External Relations with Egypt before the “Arab Spring”
6.1.1 Trade and economic policy
6.1.2 Foreign Policy and Diplomacy
6.1.3 Development Policy
6.1.4 Security Policy
6.1.4 Discussion
6.2 EU external relations with Egypt during the “Arab Spring”
6.2.1 Economic and Trade Policy
6.2.2 Foreign Policy
6.2.3 Development Policy
6.2.4 Security Policy
6.2.5 Discussion
6.3 EU external relations with Egypt after the “Arab Spring”
6.3.1 Economic Policy
6.3.2 Foreign Policy
6.3.3 Development Policy
6.3.4 Security Policy
6.3.5 Discussion
7 Reflexion
8 Conclusion
This thesis examines the evolution of the European Union's external relations with Egypt across three distinct periods: before, during, and after the "Arab Spring." It investigates how the EU balanced its normative commitment to democracy promotion with its geopolitical interests in stability, security, and economic cooperation, specifically analyzing whether policy shifts reflected a genuine paradigm change or remained consistent with previous patterns of "Realpolitik."
6.2.4 Security Policy
In regard to security policy the EU, in response to the “Arab Spring”, in its plan for a revisioned Neighbourhood Policy, stated that it plans to intensify security cooperation in its neighbourhood. As due to the “Arab Spring” a number of countries in the EU’s neighbourhood faced security challenges, the EU saw its geopolitical and security interest in the region affected by the instability (EUROPEAN COMMISSION 2011a).
In Egypt the EU lobbied for fair and free elections to enable the implementation of a stable, democratic government. The EU expressed deep concern over the violence and unrest which took place in Egypt before the first round of elections. Thus to implement these fair elections this the EEAS sent two electoral experts two assess the conduction of the 2012 presidential elections, which it found to be fair and free (EUROPEAN COMMISSION 2013a).
The data concerning the arms trades between the EU member states and Egypt, illustrated in Figure 6, depict a clear rise in TIV trade numbers from 2009/2010 to 2013 rising from 9 in 2009/2010 to 144 in 2013. This rise in arms trades is also illustrated through the linear trend line. This rise strongly supports the argument for a closer security relationship between the EU’s members and Egypt, which subsequently supports the argument for a stronger security bond between the EU itself and Egypt. This arguably speaks for a strong support of the democratically elected Egyptian government by the EU as it seems unlikely these actors would send such big amounts of arms to a government they saw unfavourably.
1 The “Arab Spring” and the European Union: Provides an introduction to the Arab Spring and outlines the EU’s geographic, security, and economic interests in the Mediterranean region.
2 Literature Review: Situates the thesis within existing scholarly debates regarding the EU's role in the Mediterranean and identifies the research gap regarding long-term, data-driven analysis of EU-Egypt relations.
3 Methodology: Details the research approach, focusing on the analysis of scholarly literature and "grey literature" (trade data, financial aid, and arms deals) to assess policy changes.
4 The “Arab Spring” in Egypt: Offers essential background on the political developments, timeline, and causes of the Egyptian Revolution and the subsequent rise and fall of political actors.
5 The EU’s External Relations: Explains the institutional framework and policy fields (trade, foreign policy, development, security) that define the EU's external action.
6 EU external relations with Egypt: The core analysis chapter, subdivided into the three phases (before, during, and after) to track changes in policy across the defined dimensions.
7 Reflexion: A critical assessment of the methodology, validity, and limitations of the used data sets and qualitative sources.
8 Conclusion: Synthesizes the findings, arguing that the EU consistently prioritized a "stability-security nexus" over democracy promotion throughout all three phases.
Arab Spring, European Union, Egypt, External Relations, Security Policy, Democracy Promotion, Realpolitik, Mediterranean, Migration, Economic Cooperation, Foreign Policy, Arms Trade, Stability Partnership, Democratization, Geopolitics.
This work investigates how the European Union adjusted its external relations and foreign policy towards Egypt in response to the political upheavals of the Arab Spring and its aftermath.
The study focuses on four key pillars of EU policy: trade and economic policy, foreign policy and diplomacy, development policy, and security policy.
The objective is to determine if the EU's support for democratic transition was genuine or if it was subservient to broader strategic interests like regional stability and migration control.
The author uses a dual approach: a literature review to contextualize the work and an empirical analysis of "grey literature," including trade volumes, financial aid data, and SIPRI arms trade indicators.
The main part of the thesis is structured chronologically, analyzing EU policy towards Egypt before, during, and after the Arab Spring, with specialized chapters for different policy sectors in each phase.
Key terms include Arab Spring, EU foreign policy, Egypt, Realpolitik, security-stability nexus, and democracy promotion.
The author concludes that while there was an initial phase of hesitation, the EU ultimately returned to "normal mode," prioritizing security and economic stability over criticizing the new authoritarian leadership.
The author suggests that the "more-for-more" approach largely failed to provide new incentives, essentially offering the same economic support that was already available under the Mubarak regime.
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