Masterarbeit, 2014
74 Seiten, Note: 2.0
1 Introduction
1.1 Relevance
1.2 Research attempt
1.3 General limitations
2 Previous research
2.1 Overview of relevant research and prevailing approaches
2.1.1 Findings of qualitative and quantitative research
2.1.2 Concepts of identity
2.1.3 Explanatory national institutions
2.2 Research gaps and this study’s point of contact
3 Theory
3.1 Theoretical perspectives and basic assumptions
3.2 Definition of fundamental concepts
3.2.1 EU-identification and EU-support
3.2.2 Framing the EU - a dualistic concept
3.3 National institutions: Three explanatory models
3.3.1 National value orientation
3.3.2 Political opportunity cost model
3.3.3 National identity type
4 Methods and data
4.1 Positioning in research field
4.2 Research design and hypotheses
4.3 Dataset and operationalisation
5 Results
5.1 Overview of EU-identification and EU-support by dimension
5.2 Ideal type matrices
5.3 Relative shares of ideal types
5.4 Overall results and country clustering
5.5 Evaluation of explanatory variables
6 Discussion
6.1 Further research
6.2 Political implications
6.3 Outlook
This study aims to map national attitudes towards the European Union by analyzing the independence of EU-identification and EU-support. Instead of assuming a unidirectional relationship, the work develops a matrix of four ideal types to provide political implications for identity promotion across culturally and economically diverse member states.
1.2 Research attempt
This section contains the basic concept behind the present work intends to ‘map’ national EU-attitude. Due to the early stage of presentation, many aspects of the research design are anticipated without detailed theoretical derivation (cf. ch. 3 and 4.2). Nevertheless, this overview is expected to facilitate intelligibility of the following chapters.
First of all, it is assumed that national institutions have a crucial effect on EU-attitude. For instance, political and social institutions create a unique context in which citizens form their individual attitude (see ch. 2.1 and 3). Throughout this work, institutions are, if not declared as political institution, used in a broader sense: institutions are social rules that structure relationships (Hall 1986, p 7). These rules can emerge consciously and unconsciously as a result of culture and sense-giving (Hillmann 2007: 381).
This study’s innovative idea is the combination of high/low EU-identification and high/low EU-support. These two concepts are of equal value, independent from each other and exhibit weak mutual influence. Consequently, a matrix of high/low EU-identification and high/low EU-support can be established (see table 1 in ch. 4.2). The matrix contains four fields that correspond to the four ideal types i) ‘EU-Enthusiasts’, ii) ‘EU-Pragmatics’, iii) ‘sceptical EU-Idealists’, and iv) ‘EU-Opponents’/’EU-Non-affected’.
This work stands in opposition to ‘mainstream’ assumptions which presume that EU-identification works as a sufficient (and partly necessary) condition for EU-support. Two ‘mainstream’ ideal types are predominant in literature: ‘EU-Enthusiasts’ and ‘EU-Opponents’. Two almost neglected ideal types are shown in the ‘mixed’ cells: ‘sceptical EU-Idealists’ and ‘EU-Pragmatics’. The crucial idea behind these two patterns is that there are individuals who do identify themselves as citizens of the EU but are critical towards its politics, i.e. the ‘sceptical EU-Idealists’. On the other hand, individuals who support these politics but do not identify with its institutions or the community are ‘EU-Pragmatics’ (detailed explanation see ch. 4.2).
1 Introduction: Introduces the research problem of EU-attitudes and the study's objective to map these through an innovative dualistic approach.
2 Previous research: Reviews existing literature on EU-attitudes, identifying a lack of consensus on basic concepts and the problematic assumption of unidirectional causality between identification and support.
3 Theory: Establishes the institutionalist framework and defines the three explanatory models: national value orientation, the political opportunity cost model, and national identity types.
4 Methods and data: Describes the methodology, focusing on the use of Eurobarometer data, the operationalization of latent constructs, and the comparative research design.
5 Results: Presents the findings regarding ideal type shares across member states and evaluates the predictive power of the explanatory variables.
6 Discussion: Summarizes the study's limitations, suggests future research directions, and provides political implications for European identity policy.
European Union, EU-identification, EU-support, ideal types, institutionalism, political opportunity cost, national value orientation, national identity, Euroscepticism, Europeanisation, societal spheres, political legitimacy, EU-framing, social constructivism, comparative research.
The thesis focuses on mapping national attitudes towards the European Union by treating EU-identification and EU-support as two independent concepts rather than a simple cause-effect chain.
The work primarily employs an institutionalist perspective, supplemented by social constructivism and psychological theories concerning cognitive and affective information retrieval.
The study examines the European Union as a target object for identification and support, differentiating between the political regime and the wider European community.
The types are derived from a matrix of high/low identification and support: EU-Enthusiasts, EU-Pragmatics, sceptical EU-Idealists, and EU-Opponents/Non-affected.
This model suggests that citizens use their nation-state as a reference point; if they evaluate their national system poorly, they may hold the EU in higher regard, and vice versa (the zero-sum-game hypothesis).
The study finds enormous country-specific variation in EU-attitudes, challenging the traditional "East-West" or "old-new" member state dichotomies.
It provides empirical mapping that suggests identity promotion strategies must be adjusted to the specific institutional and cultural context of each individual member state.
The 'mixed' types (sceptical EU-Idealists and EU-Pragmatics) capture nuanced, previously neglected citizen perspectives that provide deeper insights into the risks and potential of European integration.
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